ld and for the U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization. But if Pakistan fails, the United States and its allies have an even bigger problem.
What can the West do to prevent a large, dysfunctional nuclear-armed Muslim nation of 172 million inhabitants from becoming a major incubator of anti-Western hostility? The disintegration or continuing instability in Pakistan, or its possible takeover by extreme Islamic forces, including the Taliban, could also threaten a major conflict with neighboring India, which also has nuclear weapons.
In reality, however, there is very little that the United States or any other outside nation can do to influence political developments in Pakistan. The nation's problems are rooted in an immature, essentially anti-democratic political culture in which religious fundamentalism and its violent appendices have found a fertile terrain.
The Saudi government has funded thousands of madrassas, Islamic religious schools that teach no science or many other secular subjects. It may be simplistic to assume that religious education provides breeding grounds for fundamentalists or would-be terrorists, but in at least some cases this is certainly true.
However, the problem is not so much religious education as a lack of a vibrant, modern education aimed at preparing young Pakistanis to become protagonists in the unfolding global economy.
Religious education alone, even if devoid of any hint of radicalism, does not provide the necessary skills or attitudes for economic enterprise and wealth creation. On the other hand, unimpeded Islamic religious radicalism, not seriously challenged by a weak and disorganized state, is a real problem. It not only threatens Pakistan itself but also fans the continuing conflict in neighboring Afghanistan and has serious implications for stability in South Asia and as a growing menace for the rest of the world.
Given all this, what can the West do? Not very much, at least not directly. Still, the West can at least attempt to create an international environment that may offer more opportunities to those Pakistanis who would like to try peaceful modernization.
In other words, the average Pakistani citizen should be able to believe that there is a realistic way forward founded on peaceful modernization, fostered by constructive links with the international economy. It may not be much, but providing an alternative to millenarian fanaticism is better than doing nothing.
For those who had ignored the progressive radicalization of Pakistan, the terror attacks last November in Mumbai, the economic and cultural capital of India, helped focus the international community on the sources of terrorism in South Asia. The Indian government and security services believe the attackers, who came by sea, were trained and equipped in mujahedin camps in northern Pakistan.
Part 2: The steps the international community must take to keep Pakistan united and stable
(Paolo Liebl von Schirach is the editor of SchirachReport.com, a regular contributor to Swiss radio and an international economic-development expert.)
(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)
Sunday, April 26, 2009
Beyond Pakistan: The First Nuclear Failed State Part One
Beyond Pakistan: The First Nuclear Failed State Part One
by Paolo Liebl Von Schirach
(NSI News Source Info) WASHINGTON - April 26, 2009: Afghanistan is a big problem for the Western wor
ld and for the U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization. But if Pakistan fails, the United States and its allies have an even bigger problem.
What can the West do to prevent a large, dysfunctional nuclear-armed Muslim nation of 172 million inhabitants from becoming a major incubator of anti-Western hostility? The disintegration or continuing instability in Pakistan, or its possible takeover by extreme Islamic forces, including the Taliban, could also threaten a major conflict with neighboring India, which also has nuclear weapons.
In reality, however, there is very little that the United States or any other outside nation can do to influence political developments in Pakistan. The nation's problems are rooted in an immature, essentially anti-democratic political culture in which religious fundamentalism and its violent appendices have found a fertile terrain.
The Saudi government has funded thousands of madrassas, Islamic religious schools that teach no science or many other secular subjects. It may be simplistic to assume that religious education provides breeding grounds for fundamentalists or would-be terrorists, but in at least some cases this is certainly true.
However, the problem is not so much religious education as a lack of a vibrant, modern education aimed at preparing young Pakistanis to become protagonists in the unfolding global economy.
Religious education alone, even if devoid of any hint of radicalism, does not provide the necessary skills or attitudes for economic enterprise and wealth creation. On the other hand, unimpeded Islamic religious radicalism, not seriously challenged by a weak and disorganized state, is a real problem. It not only threatens Pakistan itself but also fans the continuing conflict in neighboring Afghanistan and has serious implications for stability in South Asia and as a growing menace for the rest of the world.
Given all this, what can the West do? Not very much, at least not directly. Still, the West can at least attempt to create an international environment that may offer more opportunities to those Pakistanis who would like to try peaceful modernization.
In other words, the average Pakistani citizen should be able to believe that there is a realistic way forward founded on peaceful modernization, fostered by constructive links with the international economy. It may not be much, but providing an alternative to millenarian fanaticism is better than doing nothing.
For those who had ignored the progressive radicalization of Pakistan, the terror attacks last November in Mumbai, the economic and cultural capital of India, helped focus the international community on the sources of terrorism in South Asia. The Indian government and security services believe the attackers, who came by sea, were trained and equipped in mujahedin camps in northern Pakistan.
Part 2: The steps the international community must take to keep Pakistan united and stable
(Paolo Liebl von Schirach is the editor of SchirachReport.com, a regular contributor to Swiss radio and an international economic-development expert.)
(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)
ld and for the U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization. But if Pakistan fails, the United States and its allies have an even bigger problem.
What can the West do to prevent a large, dysfunctional nuclear-armed Muslim nation of 172 million inhabitants from becoming a major incubator of anti-Western hostility? The disintegration or continuing instability in Pakistan, or its possible takeover by extreme Islamic forces, including the Taliban, could also threaten a major conflict with neighboring India, which also has nuclear weapons.
In reality, however, there is very little that the United States or any other outside nation can do to influence political developments in Pakistan. The nation's problems are rooted in an immature, essentially anti-democratic political culture in which religious fundamentalism and its violent appendices have found a fertile terrain.
The Saudi government has funded thousands of madrassas, Islamic religious schools that teach no science or many other secular subjects. It may be simplistic to assume that religious education provides breeding grounds for fundamentalists or would-be terrorists, but in at least some cases this is certainly true.
However, the problem is not so much religious education as a lack of a vibrant, modern education aimed at preparing young Pakistanis to become protagonists in the unfolding global economy.
Religious education alone, even if devoid of any hint of radicalism, does not provide the necessary skills or attitudes for economic enterprise and wealth creation. On the other hand, unimpeded Islamic religious radicalism, not seriously challenged by a weak and disorganized state, is a real problem. It not only threatens Pakistan itself but also fans the continuing conflict in neighboring Afghanistan and has serious implications for stability in South Asia and as a growing menace for the rest of the world.
Given all this, what can the West do? Not very much, at least not directly. Still, the West can at least attempt to create an international environment that may offer more opportunities to those Pakistanis who would like to try peaceful modernization.
In other words, the average Pakistani citizen should be able to believe that there is a realistic way forward founded on peaceful modernization, fostered by constructive links with the international economy. It may not be much, but providing an alternative to millenarian fanaticism is better than doing nothing.
For those who had ignored the progressive radicalization of Pakistan, the terror attacks last November in Mumbai, the economic and cultural capital of India, helped focus the international community on the sources of terrorism in South Asia. The Indian government and security services believe the attackers, who came by sea, were trained and equipped in mujahedin camps in northern Pakistan.
Part 2: The steps the international community must take to keep Pakistan united and stable
(Paolo Liebl von Schirach is the editor of SchirachReport.com, a regular contributor to Swiss radio and an international economic-development expert.)
(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)
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