*Sources: DTN News / Ian Black in Tehran The Observer
(NSI News Source Info) TEHRAN - June 14, 2009: After an election campaign of unprecedented hope and passion, the official result shattered those who had longed for reform. Now, while millions still give their support to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, an opposition backlash fuelled by bitter accusations of government lies could tear the nation apart. 
A supporter of Iran's moderate presidential candidate Mirhossein Mousavi holds a piece of paper that reads "We write Mousavi, they read Ahmadinejad" during post-election unrest in Tehran June 13, 2009. Thousands of people clashed with police on Saturday after the disputed election victory of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sparked the biggest protests in Tehran since the 1979 Islamic revolution.
Nowhere in Iran is as symbolic of the country's turbulent history as the huge Azadi (Freedom) Monument, with its vaulting, marble-clad concrete arches and inlaid peacock-blue tiles visible from anywhere in Tehran.
Built by the shah to symbolize the glories of Ancient Persia, it was there that a crowd of millions roared their acclaim of Ayatollah Khomeini when he returned from exile in 1979 to launch the Islamic revolution. And as Khomeini's heirs held Iran's 10th presidential election on Friday, two young soldiers stood in the monument's mercifully cooling shade and argued about who to vote for.
Private Mohsen Khodabaksh, in an ill-fitting khaki uniform, had already chosen Mir Hussein Mousavi, the moderate candidate and great hope of millions of Iranians desperate to see change in the Islamic Republic. "He is going to give freedoms to young people and get rid of the morality police," the conscript explained.
Mohammed Khorasani, his equally scruffy friend, was backing Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. "He's been good for the last four years," was his verdict. And if a second term for the hardliner brought further isolation for Iran? "Everything depends on God's will. If there is a war, we will defend our country."
Arguments like those were pondered by millions of voters before they flocked to the polling stations in unprecedented numbers. But, contrary to all predictions and stretching credulity far beyond breaking point, Ahmadinejad emerged on top amid fury over both the conduct of the poll and its result.
The disillusionment on the streets of Tehran yesterday was extreme. Several hundred demonstrators, many wearing the green colours of Mousavi's campaign, chanted "The government lied to the people," gathering near the Interior Ministry as the final controversial count was announced. Elsewhere in Tehran, up to 300 young people blocked the avenue by forming a human chain and chanted "Ahmadi, shame on you. Leave the government alone." One news agency reported that a senior policeman told demonstrators: "The time of dancing and shouting is over."
"It's such a cheek, it's impossible for it to stand," argued a woman photographer from a north Tehran suburb. "If they don't fix it, it will erode any legitimacy that is left for the Islamic Republic. "
The drama came at the end of an extraordinary week that seemed to promise a new politics for Iran and an end to the mass apathy that allowed the populist Ahmadinejad to take power in 2005. The previous record turnout was in 1997, when reformist cleric Mohammad Khatami - who is now backing Mousavi - was elected and ushered in a period of optimism and change.
Mousavi's slick, youth-driven "green" campaign - the colour is for Islam and hope - galvanised demands for a stabler economy, more liberty at home and easier relations abroad.
Night after night tens of thousands of his supporters rallied in a party atmosphere without a single policeman or militiaman in sight as a river of green clothes, armbands and banners - as well as cars and bikes - swept up Valiasr Avenue, Tehran's main north-south thoroughfare. Some young women even cast off their hijab headscarves and danced with men - unthinkable public behaviour in normal times.
It was inspiring to see this show of peaceful, if raucous, people power, driven by youthful high spirits. But there was also a warning that the authorities seem to have ignored. "If there's cheating," went one popular slogan, "there'll be rioting." The menacing black-clad police deployed on Valiasr last night showed that it was being taken seriously.
Hopes were high that Mousavi, with his high-profile wife, Zahra Rahnavard, alongside him, would be a president who would emulate Khatami and ease social restrictions, especially for women, as well as improve Iran's international standing. "I think there will be more freedom," said a smiling Soraya Sohrabinejad, 21, draped in a fetching green tunic and the flimsiest of hijabs at the challenger's final campaign rally.
But excitement and wishful thinking may have combined with an underestimation of the scale of possible electoral fraud, though there were warning signs there, too: a senior ayatollah was rumoured to have issued a fatwa sanctioning moves to ensure victory for Ahmadinejad, and Mousavi supporters were advised to vote in schools rather than mosques or Basij militia offices.
Mohamed Atrianfar, a leading reformist commentator, said that he was certain Mousavi would prevail, with even sections of the military backing him. "We hope to be able to forget the Ahmadinejad years and connect the end of the Khatami period with the start of the Mousavi period," he said.
Still, alongside such optimism it was clear that Ahmadinejad was still the object of adulation for traditional supporters in the countryside, small towns and poor areas of south Tehran. "I like his background, what he has done, and his pure intentions," said shoemaker Mohammed Sadegh, 73, voting before attending Friday prayers at the university mosque near his home.
"He is a real Hezbollahi [fighter in the 'party of God']. It's true there has been inflation in the last few years, but the president has raised the wages of government employees and helped them. And from the point of view of the Iranian people, he's been doing well."
Others were less enthusiastic but ready to give him the benefit of the doubt - and four more years in office. "Ahmadinejad might not have done so well, but at least he doesn't steal our money," said factory manager Nader Asadi. Random encounters suggest that ordinary Iranians care more about corruption and the economy than the nuclear issue, the Middle East and Holocaust denial, the main preoccupations of the west and wider world.
Mousavi supporters are now torn between anger at the election result and the hope that it might somehow yet be reversed - despite the tone of finality from the regime last night. Others felt vindicated by their decision not to take part in a process they had always dismissed as a sham.
"Nothing that matters is decided by the people in this country," insisted a businessman, Ali Zadeh, who abstained. "I will never vote for an Islamic theocracy. It's never going to change. People who supported Mousavi can't believe what happened."
Protesters continued to congregate in Tehran's streets last night, but for many the anger was already turning into resignation. As one senior policeman told demonstrators: "The time of dancing and shouting is over".
A supporter of Iran's moderate presidential candidate Mirhossein Mousavi holds a piece of paper that reads "We write Mousavi, they read Ahmadinejad" during post-election unrest in Tehran June 13, 2009. Thousands of people clashed with police on Saturday after the disputed election victory of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sparked the biggest protests in Tehran since the 1979 Islamic revolution.
Nowhere in Iran is as symbolic of the country's turbulent history as the huge Azadi (Freedom) Monument, with its vaulting, marble-clad concrete arches and inlaid peacock-blue tiles visible from anywhere in Tehran.
Built by the shah to symbolize the glories of Ancient Persia, it was there that a crowd of millions roared their acclaim of Ayatollah Khomeini when he returned from exile in 1979 to launch the Islamic revolution. And as Khomeini's heirs held Iran's 10th presidential election on Friday, two young soldiers stood in the monument's mercifully cooling shade and argued about who to vote for.
Private Mohsen Khodabaksh, in an ill-fitting khaki uniform, had already chosen Mir Hussein Mousavi, the moderate candidate and great hope of millions of Iranians desperate to see change in the Islamic Republic. "He is going to give freedoms to young people and get rid of the morality police," the conscript explained.
Mohammed Khorasani, his equally scruffy friend, was backing Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. "He's been good for the last four years," was his verdict. And if a second term for the hardliner brought further isolation for Iran? "Everything depends on God's will. If there is a war, we will defend our country."
Arguments like those were pondered by millions of voters before they flocked to the polling stations in unprecedented numbers. But, contrary to all predictions and stretching credulity far beyond breaking point, Ahmadinejad emerged on top amid fury over both the conduct of the poll and its result.
The disillusionment on the streets of Tehran yesterday was extreme. Several hundred demonstrators, many wearing the green colours of Mousavi's campaign, chanted "The government lied to the people," gathering near the Interior Ministry as the final controversial count was announced. Elsewhere in Tehran, up to 300 young people blocked the avenue by forming a human chain and chanted "Ahmadi, shame on you. Leave the government alone." One news agency reported that a senior policeman told demonstrators: "The time of dancing and shouting is over."
"It's such a cheek, it's impossible for it to stand," argued a woman photographer from a north Tehran suburb. "If they don't fix it, it will erode any legitimacy that is left for the Islamic Republic. "
The drama came at the end of an extraordinary week that seemed to promise a new politics for Iran and an end to the mass apathy that allowed the populist Ahmadinejad to take power in 2005. The previous record turnout was in 1997, when reformist cleric Mohammad Khatami - who is now backing Mousavi - was elected and ushered in a period of optimism and change.
Mousavi's slick, youth-driven "green" campaign - the colour is for Islam and hope - galvanised demands for a stabler economy, more liberty at home and easier relations abroad.
Night after night tens of thousands of his supporters rallied in a party atmosphere without a single policeman or militiaman in sight as a river of green clothes, armbands and banners - as well as cars and bikes - swept up Valiasr Avenue, Tehran's main north-south thoroughfare. Some young women even cast off their hijab headscarves and danced with men - unthinkable public behaviour in normal times.
It was inspiring to see this show of peaceful, if raucous, people power, driven by youthful high spirits. But there was also a warning that the authorities seem to have ignored. "If there's cheating," went one popular slogan, "there'll be rioting." The menacing black-clad police deployed on Valiasr last night showed that it was being taken seriously.
Hopes were high that Mousavi, with his high-profile wife, Zahra Rahnavard, alongside him, would be a president who would emulate Khatami and ease social restrictions, especially for women, as well as improve Iran's international standing. "I think there will be more freedom," said a smiling Soraya Sohrabinejad, 21, draped in a fetching green tunic and the flimsiest of hijabs at the challenger's final campaign rally.
But excitement and wishful thinking may have combined with an underestimation of the scale of possible electoral fraud, though there were warning signs there, too: a senior ayatollah was rumoured to have issued a fatwa sanctioning moves to ensure victory for Ahmadinejad, and Mousavi supporters were advised to vote in schools rather than mosques or Basij militia offices.
Mohamed Atrianfar, a leading reformist commentator, said that he was certain Mousavi would prevail, with even sections of the military backing him. "We hope to be able to forget the Ahmadinejad years and connect the end of the Khatami period with the start of the Mousavi period," he said.
Still, alongside such optimism it was clear that Ahmadinejad was still the object of adulation for traditional supporters in the countryside, small towns and poor areas of south Tehran. "I like his background, what he has done, and his pure intentions," said shoemaker Mohammed Sadegh, 73, voting before attending Friday prayers at the university mosque near his home.
"He is a real Hezbollahi [fighter in the 'party of God']. It's true there has been inflation in the last few years, but the president has raised the wages of government employees and helped them. And from the point of view of the Iranian people, he's been doing well."
Others were less enthusiastic but ready to give him the benefit of the doubt - and four more years in office. "Ahmadinejad might not have done so well, but at least he doesn't steal our money," said factory manager Nader Asadi. Random encounters suggest that ordinary Iranians care more about corruption and the economy than the nuclear issue, the Middle East and Holocaust denial, the main preoccupations of the west and wider world.
Mousavi supporters are now torn between anger at the election result and the hope that it might somehow yet be reversed - despite the tone of finality from the regime last night. Others felt vindicated by their decision not to take part in a process they had always dismissed as a sham.
"Nothing that matters is decided by the people in this country," insisted a businessman, Ali Zadeh, who abstained. "I will never vote for an Islamic theocracy. It's never going to change. People who supported Mousavi can't believe what happened."
Protesters continued to congregate in Tehran's streets last night, but for many the anger was already turning into resignation. As one senior policeman told demonstrators: "The time of dancing and shouting is over".
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