Showing posts with label Vladimir Putin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Vladimir Putin. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 10, 2014

DTN News - INDIA NEWS: Putin Goes To India: Can He Win Over Modi?

DTN News - INDIA NEWS: Putin Goes To India: Can He Win Over Modi?
*Vladimir Putin will be seeking to keep India's Narendra Modi onside with cheap oil and diamond deals, as India diversifies its weapons purchases away from Russia.
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources The Christian Science Monitor
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - December 10, 2014 (MOSCOW):  Vladimir Putin will be hoping to demonstrate the irrelevance of Western sanctions as he arrives in India for a one-day summit with Prime Minister Narendra Modi that could see up to 20 large business deals inked.

Mr. Putin will be looking for signals of political solidarity amid Russian economic woes that stem in part from those sanctions. Analysts suggest he's likely to get what he wants – though he may have to pay for it in the form of discounted Russian oil, sweet deals on diamonds, and opening up Siberian oilfields to Indian investment. Economic concessions have factored in recent gas contracts announced on Putin visits to China and Turkey, and experts say the Indians are certain to press for advantages as well.

"Of course India will provide gestures of political support to Putin, and it will be genuine. Russia's an old friend, and we sympathize with its problems," says Nandan Unikrishnan, a Russia expert at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi. India accepts Russia's security interests in Ukraine, he says, and India itself briefly endured US-led sanctions in the wake of its 1998 nuclear weapon test, and rejects them as a tool of international policy.

But past allegiances and political affinities will not be enough, some Indian experts say. "The old Soviet friendship, though remembered with great fondness among Indians, needs to be replaced. India and Russia are very different countries from what they were 20 years ago. India is much more private sector and civil society than it used to be – and this sort of engagement is not Moscow's strength," says Pramit Pal Chaudhuri, foreign editor of the Hindustan Times, a leading Indian daily.

Putin's visit, the 15th Russia-India summit on his watch, comes as the old cold war alliance between Moscow and New Delhi is fraying and two-way trade has shriveled to less than $10 billion. India, under the popular Mr. Modi, is diversifying its relations away from Russia and even purchasing arms from others, including Rafale fighters from France and Apache helicopter gunships from the United States. Moscow too has broken its long-term fidelity to New Delhi and has reportedly contracted to sell Mi-35 attack helicopters to India's main foe, Pakistan.

President Barack Obama will be guest of honor at India's national Republic Day commemoration in January, and the Indian media are filled with optimistic commentary about the prospects for the long-neglected US-India relationship to take off.

"The internal discourse in India today is all about development, development, development," says Mr. Unikrishnan. "Putin needs to show that Russia can move beyond our traditional ties, and make real contributions to India's forward economic movement. With Russia so far, it's mostly same old."

But Russia – the leading supplier of arms to India – has lately moved from just delivering finished products to jointly developing new weapons such as the Brahmos cruise missile and the T-50 fifth generation fighter plane, Russia's answer to the US F-22 and F-35.

And among the business propositions on tap during Putin's visit are: a multibillion dollar contract to build up to 25 nuclear reactors in India; a long-term deal to provide liquified natural gas at low prices; sales of civilian aircraft; granting India's state petroleum corporation stakes in Russia's potential Arctic oil bonanza; and what could be a breakthrough deal to provide uncut Russian diamonds to India – a major center of gem polishing. 

Shared interests
In a lengthy interview with a leading Indian news agency Tuesday, Putin described Russo-Indian ties as a "privileged strategic partnership" and dismissed Russia's recent opening to Pakistan as a routine diplomatic move that's in everyone's interests.

He argued that India and Russia share interests, especially as the NATO mission in Afghanistan winds down, in fighting terrorism and combating drug trafficking. He pledged to step up economic cooperation and – of greatest interest to Indian ears – joint ventures that would transfer Russian space, military, and engineering technology to India.

Some Russian experts defend Putin's apparent price concessions on oil and gas to new Asian partners as smart long-term policy. "Asia is growing fast, and Putin finds it possible to nail down lasting deals with these countries," that are unlikely to be disrupted by future political disputes, says Felix Yurlov, an expert with the official Institute of Oriental Studies in Moscow. He says it's about locking down market share, even as prices of hydrocarbons plummet and Russia's relations sour with customers in the West.

But both Russian and Indian experts say they are dismayed by the brevity of Putin's visit, and also by his inexplicable decision not to address an Indian joint session of parliament. Instead of that, Putin and Modi will attend the opening of the World Diamond Conference in New Delhi Thursday.

"If Russia is serious about reaching out to non-Western countries, to compensate for its current bad relations with the US and Europe, it should walk extra miles to cement those relationships," says Dmitry Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center. 

"Putin has been doing that with China," Mr. Trenin says. "Many in Moscow seem to treat India like an afterthought, which is not wise with a country of that size and importance. Under Modi, India is re-evaluating its relationships, and seems ready to discard non-performing ones. The danger is that India may get fed up with old-style treatment from Moscow, and turn elsewhere." 

*Link for This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources The Christian Science Monitor
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*Photograph: IPF (International Pool of Friends) + DTN News / otherwise source stated
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
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Thursday, December 04, 2014

DTN News - RUSSIA ECONOMY NEWS: Putin Blames West Responsible For Coming Recession in Russia

DTN News -  RUSSIA ECONOMY NEWS: Putin Blames West Responsible For Coming Recession in Russia
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources By Michael Birnbaum - Washington Post
(NSI News Source Info) HONG KONG - December 5, 2014: With recession looming, Russian President Vladimir Putin said Thursday that the West has had his nation in the crosshairs for “centuries” and vowed that Russia would be unbowed in its attempts to pursue an independent and muscular foreign policy.

In an annual state of the nation address delivered to Russia’s political elite, Putin blasted the West and “speculators” who he said were waging an economic war against Russia over its actions in Ukraine. He made no concessions in response to Western sanctions on Russia, saying instead that they were a spur to bring offshore money home and to invest in domestic industry.

In his speech, delivered in a vast gilt hall in the Kremlin, Putin said Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s autonomous Crimean Peninsula in March was a “historic event” that would not be reversed. He likened Crimea to the Temple Mount — a sacred site in Judaism, Islam and Christianity — in its foundational importance to Russian civilization. The Crimean annexation kicked off the worst stretch of relations between the West and Russia since the Cold War.

“This year we faced trials that only a mature and united nation and a truly sovereign and strong state can withstand,” Putin said. “Russia has proved that it can protect its compatriots and defend truth and fairness.”

He was more conciliatory on domestic policy, assuring investors that “Russia will be open to the world” and ready to do business with anyone — even the West. In the 70-minute speech, which was focused largely on the economy, he offered measures to streamline markets, spur investment and bolster Russian self-sufficiency. Unlike in previous speeches, he held back from condemning opposition forces at home and pressed only against the speculators who he said were profiting from the falling ruble.

Russia has been locked in a bitter fight with the West over the conflict in Ukraine, which has claimed more than 4,300 lives. Hours after Putin’s speech, Secretary of State John F. Kerry said Russia brought on the sanctions because of its “own actions” in Ukraine.

Russia’s economy is expected to go into recession next year, the result of plummeting oil prices and sanctions that have crimped investments. The ruble has fallen significantly in recent weeks and has lost more than a third of its value against the dollar since July. On Thursday, it dropped more than 2 percent.

Putin’s popularity ratings remain near record highs, but surging inflation and diminished growth have made many Russians increasingly pessimistic about the economy.

Putin said the Western sanctions were the product of a fight against Russia that began long before what he called the “Crimean Spring.”

“If none of that had ever happened,” he said, “they would have come up with some other excuse to try to contain Russia’s growing capabilities.” The efforts to thwart Russia, he said, have gone on “for decades, if not centuries.”

Putin likened Russia’s enemies to the Nazis and said they should remember the lessons of World War II. Hitler “set out to destroy Russia and push us back beyond the Urals. Everyone should remember how it ended,” he said.

He also said that although Russia is boosting its defense spending, it did not desire a new arms race with the West, saying it had more inexpensive ways to strengthen its capabilities.

President Obama said a day earlier that Putin “has been improvising himself into a nationalist, backward-looking approach to Russian policy that is scaring the heck out of his neighbors and is badly damaging his economy.” Obama said the West intends to maintain economic pressure.

Obama’s comments are “obviously unfriendly and obviously unconstructive,” Dmitry Peskov, a Kremlin spokesman, said Thursday.

Putin’s speech came shortly after the worst outbreak of violence in years in the Russian region of Chechnya, where he crushed an insurgency early in his presidency. Authorities said at least nine gunmen and 10 police officers were killed in a battle in Grozny, the regional capital. Putin said he had full confidence in Russian authorities’ ability to eliminate any threats.

In an effort to boost the economy, Putin said in his speech that he would freeze taxes on businesses for several years. He also promised to reduce government inspections of small and mid-size enterprises that are found to be compliant with Russian regulations. And he vowed to fight corruption and offered a full, no-questions-asked amnesty for Russians who bring money back from abroad.

Money has mostly been going in the opposite direction. Russia has been plagued by investors pulling their money from the country: Up to $128 billion in capital flight is expected in 2014.

The Economy Ministry said this week that it expected Russia’s economy to contract by 0.8 percent next year. Independent economists have forecast an even more biting recession.


Economic officials also have said that they expect inflation of up to 10 percent next year, largely driven by the falling ruble and the rising cost of food. Russia banned most U.S. and European Union food imports in August in retaliation for Western sanctions, and the move has driven up the cost of food staples.

*Link for This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources By Michael Birnbaum - Washington Post
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*Photograph: IPF (International Pool of Friends) + DTN News / otherwise source stated
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
©COPYRIGHT (C) DTN NEWS DEFENSE-TECHNOLOGY NEWS

Wednesday, June 25, 2014

DTN News: Ukraine Crisis Top Stories / Headlines News Dated June 25, 2014

DTN News: Ukraine Crisis Top Stories / Headlines News Dated June 25, 2014
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - June 25, 2014: Comprehensive daily news related to Ukraine Crisis Top Stories / Headlines News for the world of TODAY.
*Comprehensive daily news related to Ukraine Crisis Top Stories / Headlines News for the world of TODAY
  • CTV News

    Ukraine crisis: Fighting continues despite ceasefire

    CBC.ca-Jun 22, 2014
    Fighting flared between Ukrainian and pro-Moscow separatist forces, both sides reported on Sunday, further straining a unilateral ceasefire ...
  • Forbes: Russian ruble returns to pre-Ukraine crisis levels

    Kyiv Post-1 hour ago
    The Russian ruble is back to where it was before all hell broke loose inUkraine on Feb. 22 with the ousting of pro-Russia president Viktor ...
  • William Hague warns Russia of fresh EU sanctions over Ukraine crisis

    Telegraph.co.uk-Jun 23, 2014
    William Hague, the British foreign secretary, warned on Monday that the European Union may impose tougher sanctions against Russia if the ...
  • Ukraine crisis: Country welcomes Vladimir Putin's decision to step ...

    The Independent-4 hours ago
    The Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko called it a “first practical step”, ... Ukraine crisis aftermath: Slavyansk residents show the scale of ...
  • Reuters India

    Ukraine crisis: NATO accuses Russia of not 'respecting commitments'

    Firstpost-2 hours ago
    Brussels: NATO's secretary general said Wednesday there are "no signs" Russia is respecting its commitments over Ukraine, and that the ...
  • Ukraine crisis unsettles Shell and Chevron

    FT.com (registration) (blog)-16 hours ago
    This has happened to Royal Dutch Shell in eastern Ukraine, where heavy fighting between pro-Russian separatists and Ukrainian military ...
  • BBC News

    Ukraine crisis: ceasefire proposed by Petro Poroshenko

    CBC.ca-Jun 18, 2014
    Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko on Wednesday proposed a unilateral ceasefire by his troops to allow pro-Russian separatists in the east ...
    Ukraine crisis: Deadly attack on Russian TV crew
    BBC News-Jun 17, 2014
    Explore in depth (6,954 more articles)
  • RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty

    Putin discusses Ukraine crisis, gas pipeline during Austrian visit

    CCTV-7 hours ago
    VIENNA, June 24 (Xinhua) -- Russian President Vladimir Putin on Tuesday evening wrapped up an official visit to Austria, as his talks with ...
    Putin defends South Stream decision
    The Local Austria-11 hours ago
    Explore in depth (108 more articles)
  • Ukraine crisis reaches watershed

    Asia Times Online-5 hours ago
    When I heard that Russian President Vladimir Putin had asked the Federation Council to repeal the resolution on the use of Russian armed ...
  • *Link for This article compiled by K. V. Seth 
    *Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
    *Photograph: IPF (International Pool of Friends) + DTN News / otherwise source stated
    *This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
    ©COPYRIGHT (C) DTN NEWS DEFENSE-TECHNOLOGY NEWS

    Thursday, February 06, 2014

    DTN News - RUSSIAN NEWS: Is it The Beginning of New Trend or An Isolated Incident on Russian School Shooting - 2 Killed

    DTN News - RUSSIAN NEWS: Is it The Beginning of New Trend or An Isolated Incident on Russian School Shooting - 2 Killed
    Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources
    (NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - February 6, 2014: A Moscow high-school student shot a teacher and a police officer dead and held more than 20 other students hostage in a classroom in a possible revenge attack on Monday, Feb. 3, days before Russia hosts the Winter Olympics under tight security. The student was disarmed and detained less than two hours after the shooting following negotiations aided by his father, Interfax news agency said.

    Commenting on the incident, Russian President Vladimir Putin described the incident as “tragic.” The Mayor Vladimir Kolokoltsev stated the need for a scrutiny of the school’s security processes and went on to say that perhaps a greater focus on the arts would reduce such incidents. According to the mayor, if a new generation is raised with better “artistic taste” and is able to appreciate theater, drama and music, this would possibly reduce violent tendencies in young people.


    Gun related violence which is increasingly becoming a frequent happening in other parts of the world, is a rare and isolated occurrence in Russia. This school shooting in Moscow which has left two people dead is all the more unsettling as it comes despite heightened and tightened security measures put in place across the city in honor of the Sochi Winter Olympic Games next week. The country is also in a state of high alert over the possible threat of violence by Islamic militants. Ivan Fodokin, a student at the school said, “We were in the stairwell when we heard the man outside yelling to the police officer to open the door, and then we heard shooting.” The middle of the day incident sent teachers and students running in blind panic into the subzero cold outside, even as ambulances and police personnel arrived on the scene.


    A 10th-grade student killed a geography teacher and a police officer and took children hostage at a Moscow school on Monday in Russia's first-ever school shooting, triggering a debate on security at educational institutions and over the right to bear arms.

    The incident was widely compared to school shootings in the U.S., with some commentators citing them as an argument for gun control and others saying that most of such killings took place in gun-free zones and therefore prove that restrictions on gun ownership should be relaxed.

    The incident was also likened to several recent mass killings carried out by lone male shooters in Russia. These include one in Moscow's Bibirevo district in 2011, in which three people died, and the shooting in Belgorod last year, in which six people were killed.
    School security was tightened nationwide after the Beslan hostage crisis in 2004, but the circumstances in that case were much different. Islamic militants seized a school in the town of Beslan in the North Ossetia republic, leading to a siege by Russian security forces, as a result of which more than 330 people were killed, 186 of them children.

    In Monday's incident, the shooter, Sergei Gordeyev, killed two people and injured a police officer at School No. 263 in the Otradnoye district in Moscow's northeast, police said. News reports first appeared regarding the incident at about 12:30 p.m., when Life News reported that a man carrying two rifles had taken about 20 10th-grade students hostage and that a security guard at the school had managed to call the police.

    About 30 minutes later, it was reported that two people had been shot, all the hostages had been released and the shooter detained. Police later said that a criminal case was opened on charges of hostage-taking, murder and attempted murder. As a minor, Gordeyev faces up to 10 years in prison if found guilty of the charges.

    Preliminary reports indicated that the shooting could have been caused by a conflict at the school and may have been a revenge attack on the geography teacher, an unidentified law enforcement official told Interfax.

    “According to our data, Sergei Gordeyev was a straight-A student, and likely had a nervous breakdown,” said Investigative Committee spokesman Vladimir Markin, who came to the school after the shooting.


    Little information was immediately available about Gordeyev. A page on social network Vkontakte that supposedly belonged to him had virtually no details on it, and the police did not even reveal his age. Given his grade in school, he was thought to be about 15 years old.
    Commenting on the incident, President Vladimir Putin, who was chairing a meeting on the arts in Pskov, said one of the reasons for it was likely a lack of proper upbringing in the modern age.

    “We should raise a new generation of spectators with good aesthetic taste who understand and value the theater, drama and music,” Putin said. “If this were done in a proper way, today's tragedy in Moscow might not have happened.”

    Education and Science Minister Dmitry Livanov also reacted to the event, saying it underscored the need for new measures to tighten security at schools. Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin echoed Livanov's proposal, announcing that a complete “revision” of security measures at schools would be carried out.

    The scene outside School No. 263 was solemn on Monday afternoon, with curious bystanders from surrounding apartment blocks patrolling the adjacent sidewalks, mingling with reporters and former students. Few people spoke.

    Security personnel could be seen combing the classrooms on the first floor, while two men with metal detectors swept the driveway in front of the school's main entrance. Police officers escorted students and members of the school's faculty out the front gate and past a cordon of reporters in 10-minute intervals. They walked together, arms linked, many of them crying.

    An emergency responder who had been inside the school declined to describe it. "I am not comfortable discussing it. It is complicated," he said, before retreating into the crowd.

    Many former students of the teacher who was killed, Andrei Kirillov, approached the school to pay their respects. Nikita Shugayev, who graduated from the school three years ago, said he “knew the teacher very well” and that he was “a great guy.” His peers, apparently equally bewildered at what had happened, echoed the sentiment.

    Most of the students who currently attend the school were sent home immediately after the shooting, though a few lingered at the scene. Olga Andronichenko, one of Gordeyev's classmates, stood in front of reporters and attempted to shed light on the day's events.


    She showed reporters photos from Gordeyev's Vkontakte page that were taken at last year's New Year party. “Basically he was a normal kid,” she said. “I don't know what happened in his head. He was a normal person.”

    While gun control advocates have attributed school shootings to laws allowing arms possession, gun rights activists have argued that if people were permitted to carry guns on school grounds they would be able to shoot would-be criminals.

    Irina Yarovaya, head of the State Duma's Security and Anti-Corruption Committee, reacted to the shooting by proposing tighter controls on gun possession, RIA Novosti reported.
    The reaction of the authorities, who are accused by the opposition of rubber-stamping repressive laws in response to all major events, was derided by some critics.

    *Link for This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources 
    *Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
    *Photograph: IPF (International Pool of Friends) + DTN News / otherwise source stated
    *This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
    ©COPYRIGHT (C) DTN NEWS DEFENSE-TECHNOLOGY NEWS

    Tuesday, January 28, 2014

    DTN News - UKRAINIAN NEWS: Perspectives on the Ukrainian Protests

    DTN News - UKRAINIAN NEWS: Perspectives on the Ukrainian Protests
    Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources By George Friedman - Stratfor
    (NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 28, 2014: A few months ago, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich was expected to sign some agreements that could eventually integrate Ukraine with the European Union economically. Ultimately, Yanukovich refused to sign the agreements, a decision thousands of his countrymen immediately protested. The demonstrations later evolved, as they often do. Protesters started calling for political change, and when Yanukovich resisted their calls, they demanded new elections.

    Some protesters wanted Ukraine to have a European orientation rather than a Russian one. Others felt that the government was corrupt and should thus be replaced. These kinds of demonstrations occur in many countries. Sometimes they're successful; sometimes they're not. In most cases, the outcome matters only to the country's citizens or to the citizens of neighboring states. But Ukraine is exceptional because it is enormously important. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has had to pursue a delicate balance between the tenuous promises of a liberal, wealthy and somewhat aloof Europe and the fact that its very existence and independence can be a source of strategic vulnerability for Russia.

    Ukraine's Importance

    Ukraine provides two things: strategic position and agricultural and mineral products. The latter are frequently important, but the former is universally important. Ukraine is central to Russia's defensibility. The two countries share a long border, and Moscow is located only some 480 kilometers (about 300 miles) from Ukrainian territory -- a stretch of land that is flat, easily traversed and thus difficult to defend. If some power were to block the Ukraine-Kazakh gap, Russia would be cut off from the Caucasus, its defensible southern border.

    Moreover, Ukraine is home to two critical ports, Odessa and Sevastopol, which are even more important to Russia than the port of Novorossiysk. Losing commercial and military access to those ports would completely undermine Russia's influence in the Black Sea and cut off its access to the Mediterranean. Russia's only remaining ports would be blocked by the Greenland-Iceland-U.K. gap to the west, by ice to the northeast, by Denmark on the Baltic Sea, and by Japan in the east.

    This explains why in 1917, when the Bolsheviks took power and sued for peace, the Germans demanded that Russia relinquish its control of most of Ukraine. The Germans wanted the food Ukraine produced and knew that if they had a presence there they could threaten Russia in perpetuity. In the end, it didn't matter: Germany lost Word War I, and Russia reclaimed Ukraine. During World War II, the Germans seized Ukraine in the first year of their attack on the Soviet Union, exploited its agriculture and used it as the base to attack Stalingrad, trying to sever Russia from its supply lines in Baku. Between the wars, Stalin had to build up his industrial plant. He sold Ukrainian food overseas and used it to feed factory workers in Russia. The Ukrainians were left to starve, but the industry they built eventually helped the Soviets defeat Hitler. After the Soviets drove the Germans back, they seized Romania and Hungary and drove to Vienna, using Ukraine as their base.

    From the perspective of Europe, and particularly from the perspectives of former Soviet satellites, a Ukraine dominated by Russia would represent a potential threat from southern Poland to Romania. These countries already depend on Russian energy, fully aware that the Russians may eventually use that dependence as a lever to gain control over them. Russia's ability not simply to project military power but also to cause unrest along the border or use commercial initiatives to undermine autonomy is a real fear.

    Thinking in military terms may seem more archaic to Westerners than it does to Russians and Central Europeans. For many Eastern Europeans, the Soviet withdrawal is a relatively recent memory, and they know that the Russians are capable of returning as suddenly as they left. For their part, the Russians know that NATO has no will to invade Russia, and war would be the last thing on the Germans' minds even if they were capable of waging one. The Russians also remember that for all the economic and military malaise in Germany in 1932, the Germans became the dominant power in Europe by 1939. By 1941, they were driving into the Russian heartland. The farther you move away from a borderland, the more fantastic the fears appear. But inside the borderland, the fears seem far less preposterous for both sides.

    Russian Perspectives

    From the Russian point of view, therefore, tighter Ukrainian-EU integration represented a potentially mortal threat to Russian national security. After the Orange Revolution, which brought a short-lived pro-EU administration to power in the mid-2000s, Russian President Vladimir Putin made clear that he regarded Ukraine as essential to Russian security, alleging that the nongovernmental organizations that were fomenting unrest there were fronts for the U.S. State Department, the CIA and MI6. Whether the charges were true or not, Putin believed the course in which Ukraine was headed would be disastrous for Russia, and so he used economic pressure and state intelligence services to prevent Ukraine from taking that course.

    In my view, the 2008 Russo-Georgian War had as much to do with demonstrating to Kiev that Western guarantees were worthless, that the United States could not aid Georgia and that Russia had a capable military force as it did with Georgia itself. At the time, Georgia and Ukraine were seeking NATO and EU membership, and through its intervention in Georgia, Moscow succeeded in steering Ukraine away from these organizations. Today, the strategic threat to Russia is no less dire than it was 10 years ago, at least not in minds of the Russians, who would prefer a neutral Ukraine if not a pro-Russia Ukraine.

    Notably, Putin's strategy toward the Russian periphery differs from those of his Soviet and czarist predecessors, who took direct responsibility for the various territories subordinate to them. Putin considers this a flawed strategy. It drained Moscow's resources, even as the government could not hold the territories together.

    Putin's strategy toward Ukraine, and indeed most of the former Soviet Union, entails less direct influence. He is not interested in governing Ukraine. He is not even all that interested in its foreign relationships. His goal is to have negative control, to prevent Ukraine from doing the things Russia doesn't want it to do. Ukraine can be sovereign except in matters of fundamental importance to Russia. As far as Russia was concerned, the Ukrainian regime is free to be as liberal and democratic as it wants to be. But even the idea of further EU integration was a clear provocation. It was the actions of the European Union and the Germans -- supporting opponents of Yanukovich openly, apart from interfering in the internal affairs of another country -- that were detrimental to Russian national interests.

    European Perspectives

    Ukraine is not quite as strategically significant to Europe as it is to Russia. Europe never wanted to add Ukraine to its ranks; it merely wanted to open the door to the possibility. The European Union is in shambles. Given the horrific economic problems of Southern Europe, the idea of adding a country as weak and disorganized as Ukraine to the bloc is preposterous. The European Union has a cultural imperative among its elite toward expansion, an imperative that led them to include countries such as Cyprus. Cultural imperatives are hard to change, and so an invitation went out with no serious intentions behind it.

    For the Europeans, what the invitation really meant was that Ukraine could become European. It could have the constitutional democracy, liberalism and prosperity that every EU state is supposed to have. This is what appealed to most of the early demonstrators. However improbable full membership might be, the idea of becoming a modern European society is overwhelmingly appealing. Yanukovich's rejection made some protesters feel that their great opportunity had slipped away -- hence the initial demonstrations.

    The Germans are playing a complex game. They understood that Ukrainian membership in the European Union was unlikely to happen anytime soon. They also had important dealings with Russia, with which they had mutual energy and investment interests. It was odd that Berlin would support the demonstrators so publicly. However, the Germans were also managing coalitions within the European Union. The Baltic states and Poland were eager to see Ukraine drawn out of the Russian camp, since that would provide a needed, if incomplete, buffer between them and Russia (Belarus is still inside Russia's sphere of influence). Therefore, the Germans had to choose between European partners, who cared about Ukraine, and Russia.

    The Russians have remained relatively calm -- and quiet -- throughout Ukraine's protests. They understood that their power in Ukraine rested on more than simply one man or his party, so they allowed the crisis to stew. Given Russia's current strategy in Ukraine, the Russians didn't need to act, at least not publicly. Any government in Ukraine would face the same constraints as Yanukovich: little real hope of EU inclusion, a dependence on Moscow for energy and an integrated economy with Russia. Certainly, the Russians didn't want a confrontation just before Sochi.

    The Russians also knew that the more tightly pro-Western forces controlled Kiev, the more fractious Ukraine could become. In general, eastern Ukraine is more oriented toward Russia: Its residents speak Russian, are Russian Orthodox and are loyal to the Moscow Patriarchy. Western Ukraine is oriented more toward Europe; its residents are Catholic or are loyal to the Kiev Patriarchy. These generalities belie a much more complex situation, of course. There are Moscow Orthodox members and Russian speakers in the west and Catholics and Kiev Orthodox in the east. Nevertheless, the tension between the regions is real, and heavy pro-EU pressure could split the country. If that were to happen, the bloc would find itself operating in chaos, but then the European Union did not have the wherewithal to operate meaningfully in Ukraine in the first place. The pro-EU government would encounter conflict and paralysis. For the time being that would suit the Russians, as unlikely as such a scenario might be.

    U.S. Perspectives

    As in most matters, it is important to understand where the United States fits in, if at all. Washington strongly supported the Orange Revolution, creating a major rift with Russia. The current policy of avoiding unnecessary involvement in Eurasian conflicts would suggest that the United States would stay out of Ukraine. But Russian behavior in the Snowden affair has angered Washington and opened the possibility that the United States might be happy to create some problems for Moscow ahead of the Sochi Olympics. The U.S. government may not be supporting nongovernmental organizations as much as its counterparts in Europe are, but it is still involved somewhat. In fact, Washington may even have enjoyed putting Russia on the defensive after having been put on the defensive by Russia in recent months.

    In any case, the stakes are high in Ukraine. The Russians are involved in a game they cannot afford to lose. There are several ways for them to win it. They only need to make the EU opening untenable for the Ukrainians, something Ukraine's economic and social conditions facilitate. The Europeans are not going to be surging into Ukraine anytime soon, and while Poland would prefer that Ukraine remain neutral, Warsaw does not necessarily need a pro-Western Ukraine. The United States is interested in Ukraine as an irritant to Russia but is unwilling to take serious risks.

    A lot of countries have an interest in Ukraine, none more so than Russia. But for all the noise in Kiev and other cities, the outcome is unlikely to generate a definitive geopolitical shift in Ukraine. It does, however, provide an excellent example of how political unrest in a strategically critical country can affect the international system as a whole.

    In most countries, the events in Kiev would not have generated global interest. When you are a country like Ukraine, even nominal instability generates not only interest but also pressure and even intervention from all directions. This has been the historical problem of Ukraine. It is a country in an important location, and the pressures on it tend to magnify any internal conflicts until they destabilize the country in excess of the significance of the internal issues. Germany and the United States may continue to pursue goals that will further irritate Russia, but as Stratfor indicated in our 2014 annual forecast, they will avoid actions that would risk harming Moscow's ties with Washington and Berlin. Russian influence in Ukraine is currently being limited by the proximity of the Olympics and the escalation in protests on the ground, but the fundamental geopolitical reality is that no country has a higher stake in Ukraine than Russia, nor a better ability to shape its fate.


    *Link for This article compiled by K. V. Seth from reliable sources By George Friedman - Stratfor
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