Indian Remote Sensing satellites (IRS) are a series of Earth Observation satellites, built, launched and maintained by Indian Space Research Organisation of India as part of the Indian space program. The IRS series provides remote sensing services to the country.*
Following are the remote sensing satellites planned by ISRO to be launched next strengthening the fleet of IRS satellites and widening their applications:
*RISAT (Radar Imaging Satellite): A microwave remote sensing mission with Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) operating in C-band and having a 6 x 2 meter planar active array antenna based on trans-receiver module architecture. SAR is an all weather-imaging sensor capable of taking images in cloudy and snow covered regions and also both during day and night. RISAT weighs 1,750 kg. It is slated to be launched in 2008-2009.
*Oceansat-2: It is envisaged to continue the service of OCEANSAT-1. It will carry an Ocean Colour Monitor (OCM) and a Ku-band pencil beam scatterometer. It is scheduled to be launched in March 8 2008 on board PSLV.
*Resourcesat-2: It will have imaging sensors similar to RESOURCESAT-1. Payload electronics have been miniaturised to reduce the overall weight. RESOURCESAT-2 is planned for launch by PSLV in 2009-10.
*Resourcesat-3: A follow on to Resourcesat-2, it will carry more advanced LISS-III-WS (Wide Swath) Sensor having similar swath and revisit capability as Advanced Wide Field Sensor (AWiFS), thus overcoming any spatial resolution limitation of AWiFS. Satellite would also carry Atmospheric Correction Sensor (ACS) for quantitative interpretation and geophysical parameter retrieval. It slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*CARTOSAT-3: A continuation of Cartosat series , it will have a resolution 30 cm and 6km swath suitable for cadastre and infrastructure mapping and analysis. It would also enhance disaster monitoring and damage assessment. It is slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*Oceansat-3: Oceasat-3 would carry Thermal IR Sensor, 12 channel Ocean Color Monitor, Scatterometer and Passive Microwave Radiometer. IR Sensor and Ocean Color Monitor would be used in the analysis for operational Potential Fishing Zones. Satellite is mainly for Ocean biology and sea state applications. It is slated to the launched aboard PSLV in 2012-13.
The satellite, which can see through clouds and carry out day-and-night all-weather imaging, has been one of the long-standing demands of the Indian military, the NDTV news channel said.
The 650-pound RISAT 2 will be launched by India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle rocket in the next few weeks, the report said.
Indian scientists were in the process of integrating the satellite and the rocket at the Sriharikota space port in southern India, it said.
The acquisition was fast-tracked after the Nov. 26-29 Mumbai siege in which 10 gunmen went on a shooting spree.
India says the attackers came by boat from the Pakistani port city of Karachi to Mumbai, based on its investigations and the confession of the lone gunman captured alive after the 60-hour siege, in which 165 people were killed.
India's existing satellites get blinded at night and in the monsoon season.
NDTV said the new acquisition would also provide New Delhi with the capability to track incoming hostile ballistic missiles.
India treated Israel like a pariah for decades, but has forged close military links with Tel Aviv in recent years with the Jewish state replacing France in 2007 as its second-largest arms supplier after Russia.
Friday, March 20, 2009
India Buys Israeli Spy Satellite
India Buys Israeli Spy Satellite
(NSI News Source Info) NEW DELHI - March 20, 2009: India has bought a spy satellite from Israel with day-and-night viewing capability to boost surveillance capabilities in the aftermath of the Mumbai militant attacks, a report said March 20.
Indian Remote Sensing satellites (IRS) are a series of Earth Observation satellites, built, launched and maintained by Indian Space Research Organisation of India as part of the Indian space program. The IRS series provides remote sensing services to the country.*
Following are the remote sensing satellites planned by ISRO to be launched next strengthening the fleet of IRS satellites and widening their applications:
*RISAT (Radar Imaging Satellite): A microwave remote sensing mission with Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) operating in C-band and having a 6 x 2 meter planar active array antenna based on trans-receiver module architecture. SAR is an all weather-imaging sensor capable of taking images in cloudy and snow covered regions and also both during day and night. RISAT weighs 1,750 kg. It is slated to be launched in 2008-2009.
*Oceansat-2: It is envisaged to continue the service of OCEANSAT-1. It will carry an Ocean Colour Monitor (OCM) and a Ku-band pencil beam scatterometer. It is scheduled to be launched in March 8 2008 on board PSLV.
*Resourcesat-2: It will have imaging sensors similar to RESOURCESAT-1. Payload electronics have been miniaturised to reduce the overall weight. RESOURCESAT-2 is planned for launch by PSLV in 2009-10.
*Resourcesat-3: A follow on to Resourcesat-2, it will carry more advanced LISS-III-WS (Wide Swath) Sensor having similar swath and revisit capability as Advanced Wide Field Sensor (AWiFS), thus overcoming any spatial resolution limitation of AWiFS. Satellite would also carry Atmospheric Correction Sensor (ACS) for quantitative interpretation and geophysical parameter retrieval. It slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*CARTOSAT-3: A continuation of Cartosat series , it will have a resolution 30 cm and 6km swath suitable for cadastre and infrastructure mapping and analysis. It would also enhance disaster monitoring and damage assessment. It is slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*Oceansat-3: Oceasat-3 would carry Thermal IR Sensor, 12 channel Ocean Color Monitor, Scatterometer and Passive Microwave Radiometer. IR Sensor and Ocean Color Monitor would be used in the analysis for operational Potential Fishing Zones. Satellite is mainly for Ocean biology and sea state applications. It is slated to the launched aboard PSLV in 2012-13.
The satellite, which can see through clouds and carry out day-and-night all-weather imaging, has been one of the long-standing demands of the Indian military, the NDTV news channel said.
The 650-pound RISAT 2 will be launched by India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle rocket in the next few weeks, the report said.
Indian scientists were in the process of integrating the satellite and the rocket at the Sriharikota space port in southern India, it said.
The acquisition was fast-tracked after the Nov. 26-29 Mumbai siege in which 10 gunmen went on a shooting spree.
India says the attackers came by boat from the Pakistani port city of Karachi to Mumbai, based on its investigations and the confession of the lone gunman captured alive after the 60-hour siege, in which 165 people were killed.
India's existing satellites get blinded at night and in the monsoon season.
NDTV said the new acquisition would also provide New Delhi with the capability to track incoming hostile ballistic missiles.
India treated Israel like a pariah for decades, but has forged close military links with Tel Aviv in recent years with the Jewish state replacing France in 2007 as its second-largest arms supplier after Russia.
Indian Remote Sensing satellites (IRS) are a series of Earth Observation satellites, built, launched and maintained by Indian Space Research Organisation of India as part of the Indian space program. The IRS series provides remote sensing services to the country.*
Following are the remote sensing satellites planned by ISRO to be launched next strengthening the fleet of IRS satellites and widening their applications:
*RISAT (Radar Imaging Satellite): A microwave remote sensing mission with Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) operating in C-band and having a 6 x 2 meter planar active array antenna based on trans-receiver module architecture. SAR is an all weather-imaging sensor capable of taking images in cloudy and snow covered regions and also both during day and night. RISAT weighs 1,750 kg. It is slated to be launched in 2008-2009.
*Oceansat-2: It is envisaged to continue the service of OCEANSAT-1. It will carry an Ocean Colour Monitor (OCM) and a Ku-band pencil beam scatterometer. It is scheduled to be launched in March 8 2008 on board PSLV.
*Resourcesat-2: It will have imaging sensors similar to RESOURCESAT-1. Payload electronics have been miniaturised to reduce the overall weight. RESOURCESAT-2 is planned for launch by PSLV in 2009-10.
*Resourcesat-3: A follow on to Resourcesat-2, it will carry more advanced LISS-III-WS (Wide Swath) Sensor having similar swath and revisit capability as Advanced Wide Field Sensor (AWiFS), thus overcoming any spatial resolution limitation of AWiFS. Satellite would also carry Atmospheric Correction Sensor (ACS) for quantitative interpretation and geophysical parameter retrieval. It slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*CARTOSAT-3: A continuation of Cartosat series , it will have a resolution 30 cm and 6km swath suitable for cadastre and infrastructure mapping and analysis. It would also enhance disaster monitoring and damage assessment. It is slated to be launched during 2011-12.
*Oceansat-3: Oceasat-3 would carry Thermal IR Sensor, 12 channel Ocean Color Monitor, Scatterometer and Passive Microwave Radiometer. IR Sensor and Ocean Color Monitor would be used in the analysis for operational Potential Fishing Zones. Satellite is mainly for Ocean biology and sea state applications. It is slated to the launched aboard PSLV in 2012-13.
The satellite, which can see through clouds and carry out day-and-night all-weather imaging, has been one of the long-standing demands of the Indian military, the NDTV news channel said.
The 650-pound RISAT 2 will be launched by India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle rocket in the next few weeks, the report said.
Indian scientists were in the process of integrating the satellite and the rocket at the Sriharikota space port in southern India, it said.
The acquisition was fast-tracked after the Nov. 26-29 Mumbai siege in which 10 gunmen went on a shooting spree.
India says the attackers came by boat from the Pakistani port city of Karachi to Mumbai, based on its investigations and the confession of the lone gunman captured alive after the 60-hour siege, in which 165 people were killed.
India's existing satellites get blinded at night and in the monsoon season.
NDTV said the new acquisition would also provide New Delhi with the capability to track incoming hostile ballistic missiles.
India treated Israel like a pariah for decades, but has forged close military links with Tel Aviv in recent years with the Jewish state replacing France in 2007 as its second-largest arms supplier after Russia.
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U.S. Anticipates Multiple North Korean Missiles
U.S. Anticipates Multiple North Korean Missiles
(NSI News Source Info) WASHINGTON - March 20, 2009: The U.S. military is pr
epared for the possibility that North Korea may launch several missiles to coincide with its scheduled rocket launch next month, a U.S. general said March 19.
When the North Korean regime last tried to test a long-range missile in 2006, at "about the same time they also launched six other missiles," said Gen. Walter Sharp, commander of U.S. forces in South Korea.
"And we are watching very closely to see what else they will do between the fourth and the eighth April, and that we're prepared for that," Sharp told a senate hearing, referring to the scheduled North Korean rocket launch.
His comments came amid growing tension on the Korean peninsula as the Pyongyang regime presses ahead with plans to launch a communications satellite that Washington and its allies suspect is likely a test of a long-range ballistic missile.
Echoing previous comments by top military officers, Sharp and the commander for the Pacific region, Adm. Timothy Keating, said they were confident that any North Korean missile threatening U.S. targets could be shot down with anti-missile weaponry.
Asked by Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Conn., what the probability was of shooting down a ballistic missile aimed at the United States, Keating said: "We have a high probability, senator."
North Korea has resisted pressure to call off the launch and warned that any attempt to shoot it down would be regarded as an act of war.
The Japanese government said it is considering repositioning land and sea-based interceptor missiles to be able to shoot down a North Korean rocket if it threatens to hit its territory.
Japan, which has been developing a missile defense system with the United States, has warned that it is ready to shoot down any missile headed for its territory.
The U.S. military commanders said that they had enough missile defense weapons, including Patriot missiles, to defend against the potential North Korean threat but said they could use more.
Pyongyang had more than 800 missiles and the United States had 64 Patriot missiles on the Korean peninsula, while South Korea had just purchased an additional 24 Patriots, Sharp said.
"Could we use more? Yes," he said.
The general added that the military was working to ensure the Patriot missiles were positioned in the best way "to be able to defend our most critical war-fighting assets."
"But it does leave other areas uncovered, and we could - both we and the Republic of Korea - could use more, and we're working hard at that."
It remained unclear whether North Korea was planning to launch a ballistic missile or a satellite, Keating told the Senate Armed Services Committee.
"I don't believe the intelligence community has information that would specifically rule out either option. It is a missile body that could be used for either," the admiral said.
epared for the possibility that North Korea may launch several missiles to coincide with its scheduled rocket launch next month, a U.S. general said March 19.
When the North Korean regime last tried to test a long-range missile in 2006, at "about the same time they also launched six other missiles," said Gen. Walter Sharp, commander of U.S. forces in South Korea.
"And we are watching very closely to see what else they will do between the fourth and the eighth April, and that we're prepared for that," Sharp told a senate hearing, referring to the scheduled North Korean rocket launch.
His comments came amid growing tension on the Korean peninsula as the Pyongyang regime presses ahead with plans to launch a communications satellite that Washington and its allies suspect is likely a test of a long-range ballistic missile.
Echoing previous comments by top military officers, Sharp and the commander for the Pacific region, Adm. Timothy Keating, said they were confident that any North Korean missile threatening U.S. targets could be shot down with anti-missile weaponry.
Asked by Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Conn., what the probability was of shooting down a ballistic missile aimed at the United States, Keating said: "We have a high probability, senator."
North Korea has resisted pressure to call off the launch and warned that any attempt to shoot it down would be regarded as an act of war.
The Japanese government said it is considering repositioning land and sea-based interceptor missiles to be able to shoot down a North Korean rocket if it threatens to hit its territory.
Japan, which has been developing a missile defense system with the United States, has warned that it is ready to shoot down any missile headed for its territory.
The U.S. military commanders said that they had enough missile defense weapons, including Patriot missiles, to defend against the potential North Korean threat but said they could use more.
Pyongyang had more than 800 missiles and the United States had 64 Patriot missiles on the Korean peninsula, while South Korea had just purchased an additional 24 Patriots, Sharp said.
"Could we use more? Yes," he said.
The general added that the military was working to ensure the Patriot missiles were positioned in the best way "to be able to defend our most critical war-fighting assets."
"But it does leave other areas uncovered, and we could - both we and the Republic of Korea - could use more, and we're working hard at that."
It remained unclear whether North Korea was planning to launch a ballistic missile or a satellite, Keating told the Senate Armed Services Committee.
"I don't believe the intelligence community has information that would specifically rule out either option. It is a missile body that could be used for either," the admiral said.Sweden Proposes Wholesale Military Reforms
Sweden Proposes Wholesale Military Reforms
(NSI News Source Info) STOCKHOLM - March 20, 2009: Sweden's government March 19 proposed a major restructuring of the military, ending conscription and sharply increasing the number of troops ready for immediate deployment.
"We have developed a totally new approach to defense policy, and we are preparing for the biggest renewal of the military in decades," Defense Minister Sten Tolgfors told reporters.
While Sweden today counts 30,000 troops, of whom only about a third are required to be prepared for deployment within a year, Tolgfors said the aim was to have 50,000 soldiers ready for action at home or abroad within a week.
(Photo/Image of Swedish Special Forces) "We have so far been poorly prepared to meet sudden threats," he said, adding that the government proposal, handed to parliament March 19, aims to give Sweden "one of Europe's most modern militaries in terms of organization."
The Scandinavian country's military would also over the next five years completely end its dependence on an already much diminished number of conscripted soldiers.
"We will move towards voluntary recruitment," Tolgfors said, excluding the notion of a professional army.
The deployment goal should be reached by 2019.
"We will have the structure in place by 2014. After that we will gradually add troops in accordance with the new personnel needs," Tolgfors said.
A number of other changes were also called for, including increasing the number of maneuver battalions from three to eight, but he hinted the changes could be done without immediately increasing the military's annual budget of about 38.5 billion kronor (3.5 billion euros or $4.8 billion).
Sweden's center-right government had been scheduled to present its reform plan for military development between 2010 and 2014 last year, when massive cuts were expected, but postponed the proposal after determining that the Georgia war last August had altered its security evaluations.
"Today's threats against Sweden cannot be solved with yesterday's defense," Tolgfors said in a statement.
"The war in Georgia, for instance, shows that developments can happen very quickly," he added, pointing out that "that war was over in five days and the outcome was determined in two."
The proposal represents a political about-face after the Swedish military has in recent years repeatedly seen major cutbacks in its budget and troop numbers.
"We have developed a totally new approach to defense policy, and we are preparing for the biggest renewal of the military in decades," Defense Minister Sten Tolgfors told reporters.
While Sweden today counts 30,000 troops, of whom only about a third are required to be prepared for deployment within a year, Tolgfors said the aim was to have 50,000 soldiers ready for action at home or abroad within a week.
(Photo/Image of Swedish Special Forces) "We have so far been poorly prepared to meet sudden threats," he said, adding that the government proposal, handed to parliament March 19, aims to give Sweden "one of Europe's most modern militaries in terms of organization."
The Scandinavian country's military would also over the next five years completely end its dependence on an already much diminished number of conscripted soldiers.
"We will move towards voluntary recruitment," Tolgfors said, excluding the notion of a professional army.
The deployment goal should be reached by 2019.
"We will have the structure in place by 2014. After that we will gradually add troops in accordance with the new personnel needs," Tolgfors said.
A number of other changes were also called for, including increasing the number of maneuver battalions from three to eight, but he hinted the changes could be done without immediately increasing the military's annual budget of about 38.5 billion kronor (3.5 billion euros or $4.8 billion).
Sweden's center-right government had been scheduled to present its reform plan for military development between 2010 and 2014 last year, when massive cuts were expected, but postponed the proposal after determining that the Georgia war last August had altered its security evaluations.
"Today's threats against Sweden cannot be solved with yesterday's defense," Tolgfors said in a statement.
"The war in Georgia, for instance, shows that developments can happen very quickly," he added, pointing out that "that war was over in five days and the outcome was determined in two."
The proposal represents a political about-face after the Swedish military has in recent years repeatedly seen major cutbacks in its budget and troop numbers.U.K. Announces Deal To Distribute Warship Support
U.K. Announces Deal To Distribute Warship Support
(NSI News Source Info) LONDON - March 20, 2009: The British government says it is going to push ahead with a plan to change the way it supports Royal Navy surface warships by
creating an alliance involving dockyard companies Babcock and BVT Surface Fleet.
The two sides have been exploring the creation of an alliance and other options to restructure the industry since 2006. Now, though, the government has announced it has signed a non-legally binding accord with the warship support yards to fully implement an alliance by 2011.
The Surface Ship Support Program is part of a wider restructuring of Britain's naval shipbuilding sector initiated by the government as part of its 2005 Defence Industrial Strategy. In the last couple of years, that has seen BAE Systems and the VT Group merge their surface warship building yards in England and Scotland to form BVT, while Babcock has acquired the DML nuclear submarine update and surface warship facility at Devonport in southwest England to add to its existing operations at Rosyth and Faslane in Scotland.
With the Royal Navy's surface fleet shrinking in numbers, the yards have fiercely competed for surface warship maintenance work. In some cases, they even had to take part in MoD-organized reverse electronic auctions, requiring the yards to cut their prices via a computer. The winner was the last company standing.
Under the new alliance arrangement, competition has been abandoned. Instead, the warships, ranging in size from aircraft carriers down to mine-warfare vessels, will be parceled out in batches with ships assigned to docks on an individual basis within each batch.
In a ministerial statement released March 18, Defence Secretary John Hutton said he expected the alliance to initially become operative later this year with the surface ship support program then being implemented in phases.
"It will commence with a proof-of-concept phase to allow demonstration of success against agreed criteria as a prerequisite for moving to subsequent phases," Hutton said.
The British say the move will help retain operational support and system upgrade capabilities in local yards.
creating an alliance involving dockyard companies Babcock and BVT Surface Fleet.
The two sides have been exploring the creation of an alliance and other options to restructure the industry since 2006. Now, though, the government has announced it has signed a non-legally binding accord with the warship support yards to fully implement an alliance by 2011.
The Surface Ship Support Program is part of a wider restructuring of Britain's naval shipbuilding sector initiated by the government as part of its 2005 Defence Industrial Strategy. In the last couple of years, that has seen BAE Systems and the VT Group merge their surface warship building yards in England and Scotland to form BVT, while Babcock has acquired the DML nuclear submarine update and surface warship facility at Devonport in southwest England to add to its existing operations at Rosyth and Faslane in Scotland.
With the Royal Navy's surface fleet shrinking in numbers, the yards have fiercely competed for surface warship maintenance work. In some cases, they even had to take part in MoD-organized reverse electronic auctions, requiring the yards to cut their prices via a computer. The winner was the last company standing.
Under the new alliance arrangement, competition has been abandoned. Instead, the warships, ranging in size from aircraft carriers down to mine-warfare vessels, will be parceled out in batches with ships assigned to docks on an individual basis within each batch.
In a ministerial statement released March 18, Defence Secretary John Hutton said he expected the alliance to initially become operative later this year with the surface ship support program then being implemented in phases.
"It will commence with a proof-of-concept phase to allow demonstration of success against agreed criteria as a prerequisite for moving to subsequent phases," Hutton said.
The British say the move will help retain operational support and system upgrade capabilities in local yards.
Labels:
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Airbus A400 Delay Has Caused Chaos And Cancellations: Reports / German Official: Dropping A400M A 'Serious Option'
Airbus A400 Delay Has Caused Chaos And Cancellations: Reports / German Official: Dropping A400M A 'Serious Option'
(NSI News Source Info) FRANKFURT, Germany - March 20, 2009: German Deputy Defence Minister Ruediger Wolf said March 19 that canceling orders for the problem-plagued Airbus A400M military transport plane was a serious option.
On 9 January 2009, EADS announced that the first delivery has been postponed until at least 2012. EADS also indicated that it wants to renegotiate 'certain technical characteristics' of the aircraft. EADS has long maintained the first deliveries would begin three years after the A400M's first flight. The German newspaper Financial Times Deutschland has closely followed the A400M program and reported on 12 January 2009 that the aircraft is overweight by 12 tons and may not be able to achieve a critical performance requirement, the ability to airlift 32 tons. Sources told FTD that, currently, the aircraft can only lift 29 tons, which is insufficient to carry a modern armored infantry fighting vehicle. The FTD report prompted the chief of the German Air Force to say, "That is a disastrous development," and could delay deliveries to the Luftwaffe until 2014. The Initial Operational Capability (IOC) for the Luftwaffe is delayed at least until 2017. This leads the political planning to potential alternatives in the shape of a higher integration of European airlift capabilities. The OCCAR reminded the participating countries that they can terminate the contract before 31 March 2009.
Wolf told the Sueddeutsche Zeitung newspaper that to bring pressure on Airbus' parent company EADS, "cancellation must be a serious option after a delay of three to six months.
"The A400M has been plagued by setbacks, with the aircraft's first flight postponed to a date that has yet to be determined because of engine problems.
Wolf, who was quoted indirectly by Sueddeutsche Zeitung, said it was more realistic to extend to six months a moratorium accorded to EADS to get the program back on track.
Countries that have ordered the plane, Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Spain and Turkey, have suggested delaying from April 1 to July 1 the date on which they can begin to cancel contracts.
The European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company (EADS) was supposed to get the transport plane in the air for an inaugural flight in January 2008, and the seven countries await a total of 180 A400Ms.
On March 18, French defense official Laurent Collet-Billon said Paris might reduce the number of planes it has ordered.
France has signed on for 50 aircraft, while Germany has ordered 60.
On 9 January 2009, EADS announced that the first delivery has been postponed until at least 2012. EADS also indicated that it wants to renegotiate 'certain technical characteristics' of the aircraft. EADS has long maintained the first deliveries would begin three years after the A400M's first flight. The German newspaper Financial Times Deutschland has closely followed the A400M program and reported on 12 January 2009 that the aircraft is overweight by 12 tons and may not be able to achieve a critical performance requirement, the ability to airlift 32 tons. Sources told FTD that, currently, the aircraft can only lift 29 tons, which is insufficient to carry a modern armored infantry fighting vehicle. The FTD report prompted the chief of the German Air Force to say, "That is a disastrous development," and could delay deliveries to the Luftwaffe until 2014. The Initial Operational Capability (IOC) for the Luftwaffe is delayed at least until 2017. This leads the political planning to potential alternatives in the shape of a higher integration of European airlift capabilities. The OCCAR reminded the participating countries that they can terminate the contract before 31 March 2009.
Wolf told the Sueddeutsche Zeitung newspaper that to bring pressure on Airbus' parent company EADS, "cancellation must be a serious option after a delay of three to six months.
"The A400M has been plagued by setbacks, with the aircraft's first flight postponed to a date that has yet to be determined because of engine problems.
Wolf, who was quoted indirectly by Sueddeutsche Zeitung, said it was more realistic to extend to six months a moratorium accorded to EADS to get the program back on track.
Countries that have ordered the plane, Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Spain and Turkey, have suggested delaying from April 1 to July 1 the date on which they can begin to cancel contracts.
The European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company (EADS) was supposed to get the transport plane in the air for an inaugural flight in January 2008, and the seven countries await a total of 180 A400Ms.
On March 18, French defense official Laurent Collet-Billon said Paris might reduce the number of planes it has ordered.
France has signed on for 50 aircraft, while Germany has ordered 60.
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Alenia's C-27J Spartan Favored Over Airbus Military's C-295 For Canadian Air Force / Canadian DM To Seek SAR Approval
Alenia's C-27J Spartan Favored Over Airbus Military's C-295 For Canadian Air Force / Canadian DM To Seek SAR Approval
(NSI News Source Info) VICTORIA, British Columbia - March 20, 2009: Canadian Defence Minister Peter MacKay is planning to go to the Cabinet of Prime Minister Stephen Harper in the next several months for approval of a multibillion-dollar project to purchase up to 17 search-and-rescue aircraft.
The Aeritalia G.222 is a medium-sized STOL military transport aircraft. It was originally developed to meet a NATO specification, but Italy was initially the only NATO member to adopt the type. The United States purchased a small number of G.222s, designating them the C-27A Spartan. The C-27J Spartan is a more modern development with the engines and systems of the C-130J Super Hercules.
But defense industry sources say his department is facing an uphill battle with other federal government bureaucrats who oppose what they see as a plan to hand the 3.1 billion Canadian dollar ($2.5 billion) acquisition to Alenia North America. Alenia is offering the C-27J aircraft.
That potential sole-source procurement prompted protests in December and January from Airbus Military, which offers the C-295 aircraft. And Viking Air, based here, launched a lobbying campaign, writing members of Parliament to ask why the Defence Department wanted a U.S.-built aircraft when a Canadian-made plane was available.
Viking Air has proposed that it provide new DHC-5 Buffalo aircraft built here and in Calgary, Alberta. The Buffalo is flown by the Canadian Forces on fixed-wing search-and-rescue missions.
The Defence Department has also faced increasing opposition from Industry Canada, another federal department that buys goods. There is concern that the specifications for the new aircraft favor the C-27J. Over the years, Air Force officers have never hidden their preference for that plane.
Industry sources said Industry Canada wants an open and fair competition to ensure that Canadian firms get maximum benefits from the project.
During a tour of the naval base here, MacKay said the specifications for the new aircraft have already been worked out but that no plane is favored. He said his Defence Department officials are working closely with Industry Canada representatives.
"I suspect it will be a full, open and transparent process and one that will hopefully invite bidders in the very near future," he said. "I want to take something to Cabinet this spring, but I'm going to have to get the cooperation of the other departments to ensure we're ready to proceed."
The SAR procurement and budget includes a 20-year support contract.
Martin Sefzig, director of Canadian programs for Airbus Military, said the company welcomes the chance to bid and plans to stress the C-295's low maintenance cost, its suitability for search and rescue, and the various search-and-rescue sensors it can carry.
Viking Air President David Curtis noted that the requirement to replace the present search-and-rescue fleet is not based on a lack of ability of the Buffalo to do the job, but is due to the aging of the aircraft, which are about 40 years old.
Curtis argues that buying Buffalos would also save money that could be used to buy Dash 8 aircraft from Bombardier of Montreal for search-and-rescue operations on the country's east coast. The Buffalos currently operate on the west coast because of their maneuverability in the mountains.
Both procurements would create large numbers of Canadian jobs at a time when the country's aerospace industries are hurting, according to Viking Air officials. The firm believes that restarting the Buffalo production line also could attract potential export orders from other nations interested in the plane.
In a statement, Alenia North America said it would present its C-27J proposal to the Canadian government. If accepted, Canadian aerospace firms could be brought in as potential suppliers on the U.S. military's Joint Cargo Aircraft program, which will also employ the C-27J.
In early 2008, the Canadian Forces announced it would fly its Buffalos until 2014 or 2015. But in December, MacKay said he was going to try to fast-track the fixed-wing search-and-rescue project since it was important to the military's domestic operations.
Airbus Military's C-295 and Alenia's C-27J Spartan have over the years been seen as the main contenders for the program.
In April 2004, Airbus officials complained publicly that the Canadian Air Force was pushing for a sole-source purchase of the C-27J.
Alan Williams, the Defence Department's former assistant deputy minister for materiel, later testified before a parliamentary committee that the Air Force had designed the requirements for the search-and-rescue aircraft program to favor the C-27J.
But the ongoing delays in the project have allowed Viking Air to enter the competition. Viking Air recently restarted a production line for Twin Otter aircraft and received an order for those planes from the U.S. Army.
The Aeritalia G.222 is a medium-sized STOL military transport aircraft. It was originally developed to meet a NATO specification, but Italy was initially the only NATO member to adopt the type. The United States purchased a small number of G.222s, designating them the C-27A Spartan. The C-27J Spartan is a more modern development with the engines and systems of the C-130J Super Hercules.
But defense industry sources say his department is facing an uphill battle with other federal government bureaucrats who oppose what they see as a plan to hand the 3.1 billion Canadian dollar ($2.5 billion) acquisition to Alenia North America. Alenia is offering the C-27J aircraft.
That potential sole-source procurement prompted protests in December and January from Airbus Military, which offers the C-295 aircraft. And Viking Air, based here, launched a lobbying campaign, writing members of Parliament to ask why the Defence Department wanted a U.S.-built aircraft when a Canadian-made plane was available.
Viking Air has proposed that it provide new DHC-5 Buffalo aircraft built here and in Calgary, Alberta. The Buffalo is flown by the Canadian Forces on fixed-wing search-and-rescue missions.
The Defence Department has also faced increasing opposition from Industry Canada, another federal department that buys goods. There is concern that the specifications for the new aircraft favor the C-27J. Over the years, Air Force officers have never hidden their preference for that plane.
Industry sources said Industry Canada wants an open and fair competition to ensure that Canadian firms get maximum benefits from the project.
During a tour of the naval base here, MacKay said the specifications for the new aircraft have already been worked out but that no plane is favored. He said his Defence Department officials are working closely with Industry Canada representatives.
"I suspect it will be a full, open and transparent process and one that will hopefully invite bidders in the very near future," he said. "I want to take something to Cabinet this spring, but I'm going to have to get the cooperation of the other departments to ensure we're ready to proceed."
The SAR procurement and budget includes a 20-year support contract.
Martin Sefzig, director of Canadian programs for Airbus Military, said the company welcomes the chance to bid and plans to stress the C-295's low maintenance cost, its suitability for search and rescue, and the various search-and-rescue sensors it can carry.
Viking Air President David Curtis noted that the requirement to replace the present search-and-rescue fleet is not based on a lack of ability of the Buffalo to do the job, but is due to the aging of the aircraft, which are about 40 years old.
Curtis argues that buying Buffalos would also save money that could be used to buy Dash 8 aircraft from Bombardier of Montreal for search-and-rescue operations on the country's east coast. The Buffalos currently operate on the west coast because of their maneuverability in the mountains.
Both procurements would create large numbers of Canadian jobs at a time when the country's aerospace industries are hurting, according to Viking Air officials. The firm believes that restarting the Buffalo production line also could attract potential export orders from other nations interested in the plane.
In a statement, Alenia North America said it would present its C-27J proposal to the Canadian government. If accepted, Canadian aerospace firms could be brought in as potential suppliers on the U.S. military's Joint Cargo Aircraft program, which will also employ the C-27J.
In early 2008, the Canadian Forces announced it would fly its Buffalos until 2014 or 2015. But in December, MacKay said he was going to try to fast-track the fixed-wing search-and-rescue project since it was important to the military's domestic operations.
Airbus Military's C-295 and Alenia's C-27J Spartan have over the years been seen as the main contenders for the program.
In April 2004, Airbus officials complained publicly that the Canadian Air Force was pushing for a sole-source purchase of the C-27J.
Alan Williams, the Defence Department's former assistant deputy minister for materiel, later testified before a parliamentary committee that the Air Force had designed the requirements for the search-and-rescue aircraft program to favor the C-27J.
But the ongoing delays in the project have allowed Viking Air to enter the competition. Viking Air recently restarted a production line for Twin Otter aircraft and received an order for those planes from the U.S. Army.Libya Is Concluding Deal For 14 Rafales Fighters With France: Report / Deal Near On Sale Of 14 Rafales To Libya
Libya Is Concluding Deal For 14 Rafales Fighters With France: Report / Deal Near On Sale Of 14 Rafales To Libya
(NSI News Source Info) PARIS - March 20, 2009: Commercial and technical negotiations on a sale of 14 French Rafale fighter jets to Libya have been largely completed, and politics will dictate the timing of any announcement of a deal, an industry executive said March 19.
"The negotiations are done, more or less," the executive said.
The Dassault Rafale is a French twin-engined delta-wing highly agile multi-role fighter aircraft designed and built by Dassault Aviation. The Rafale is being produced both for land-based use with the French Air Force and for carrier-based naval operations with the French Navy. It has also been marketed for export. While several countries have expressed interest in the Rafale, there have been no foreign sales as of yet.
Asked when a deal would be announced, the executive said, "It's politics, it's always politics."
Col. Muammar Khaddafi, the Libyan head of state, signed an agreement granting six months' exclusive negotiations for the Rafale when he visited Paris in December 2007. Human rights organizations criticized the visit by the Libyan leader and the prospective arms sales.
The Rafales expected to be sold to Tripoli would be similar to the F3 standard entering service in the French Air Force, capable of aerial combat and ground strikes.
The weapons package is being negotiated separately. MBDA, the European missile firm that supplies weapons for the Rafale, declined comment.
France has yet to sell the Rafale to a foreign customer, although the aircraft is flying in a handful of competitions.
"Negotiations are still going on with Libya," Jacques-Emmanuel Lajugie, the head of the international division of the Délégation Générale pour l'Armement (DGA), said March 17. The talks were lasting as long as expected, he said. The DGA is the French government's military procurement office.
MBDA CEO Antoine Bouvier said separately March 17 that he expected a large export sale for missiles tied to the Rafale this year or next, as well as weapons for the FREMM frigate, a new warship being built for France and Italy.
There are concerns that the economic crisis will hit defense spending in Brazil and Greece, where the Rafale is competing for orders, the industry executive said.
Switzerland has completed a series of flight trials of the Rafale, Eurofighter Typhoon and Sweden's Gripen as part of a tender to replace F-5 fighter jets. It is expected to take six months to evaluate the data from the tests.
India also is looking to buy 126 new warplanes, but that competition is expected to take a long time, even by military procurement timetables, industry executives said.
Dassault is looking for customers to buy the Mirage 2000-9 aircraft that the United Arab Emirates intends to replace with Rafales, Chief Executive Charles Edelstenne said March 19. A first delivery of the Rafale to the UAE would not be before 2012, and the UAE Air Force would probably need about three year's time to train aircrews on the new aircraft. "We have time to prospect," he said.
DGA Chief Executive Laurent Collet-Billon said March 17 that the French Air Force would not be taking the Mirage 2000-9s from the UAE.
The Dassault Rafale is a French twin-engined delta-wing highly agile multi-role fighter aircraft designed and built by Dassault Aviation. The Rafale is being produced both for land-based use with the French Air Force and for carrier-based naval operations with the French Navy. It has also been marketed for export. While several countries have expressed interest in the Rafale, there have been no foreign sales as of yet.
Asked when a deal would be announced, the executive said, "It's politics, it's always politics."
Col. Muammar Khaddafi, the Libyan head of state, signed an agreement granting six months' exclusive negotiations for the Rafale when he visited Paris in December 2007. Human rights organizations criticized the visit by the Libyan leader and the prospective arms sales.
The Rafales expected to be sold to Tripoli would be similar to the F3 standard entering service in the French Air Force, capable of aerial combat and ground strikes.
The weapons package is being negotiated separately. MBDA, the European missile firm that supplies weapons for the Rafale, declined comment.
France has yet to sell the Rafale to a foreign customer, although the aircraft is flying in a handful of competitions.
"Negotiations are still going on with Libya," Jacques-Emmanuel Lajugie, the head of the international division of the Délégation Générale pour l'Armement (DGA), said March 17. The talks were lasting as long as expected, he said. The DGA is the French government's military procurement office.
MBDA CEO Antoine Bouvier said separately March 17 that he expected a large export sale for missiles tied to the Rafale this year or next, as well as weapons for the FREMM frigate, a new warship being built for France and Italy.
There are concerns that the economic crisis will hit defense spending in Brazil and Greece, where the Rafale is competing for orders, the industry executive said.
Switzerland has completed a series of flight trials of the Rafale, Eurofighter Typhoon and Sweden's Gripen as part of a tender to replace F-5 fighter jets. It is expected to take six months to evaluate the data from the tests.
India also is looking to buy 126 new warplanes, but that competition is expected to take a long time, even by military procurement timetables, industry executives said.
Dassault is looking for customers to buy the Mirage 2000-9 aircraft that the United Arab Emirates intends to replace with Rafales, Chief Executive Charles Edelstenne said March 19. A first delivery of the Rafale to the UAE would not be before 2012, and the UAE Air Force would probably need about three year's time to train aircrews on the new aircraft. "We have time to prospect," he said.
DGA Chief Executive Laurent Collet-Billon said March 17 that the French Air Force would not be taking the Mirage 2000-9s from the UAE.Lockheed Martin, Hellenic Air Force Celebrate Inauguration Of Newest Advanced F-16 Fighter
Lockheed Martin, Hellenic Air Force Celebrate Inauguration Of Newest Advanced F-16 Fighter
(NSI News Source Info) FORT WORTH, Texas - March 20, 2009: Ceremonies were held March 19., at Lockheed Martin in Fort Worth, Texas, to commemorate the F-16 Peace Xenia IV program for Greece. The ceremony marks an important production milestone, demonstrating that the program is on schedule and on budget. This F-16 acquisition is the fourth for the Hellenic Air Force (HAF) and the nation of Greece.
HAF F-16C block 52 #022 is on a pre-delivery test flight when spotted on approach into NAS Fort Worth. (2-13-09, Keith Robinson)
Lt. Gen. Ioannis Giagkos, chief of the Hellenic Air Force General Staff, accepted the first Peace Xenia IV F-16 Block 52 advanced aircraft on behalf of his nation and expressed satisfaction with its timely delivery. "I am grateful to everyone who contributed to the design and construction of this ultra-modern weapon system. With these new aircraft, the defense and deterrent force of the Hellenic Air Force will be significantly enhanced," he said.
U.S. officials attending the ceremony included Bruce Lemkin, deputy undersecretary of the Air Force for International Affairs. Hosting the ceremony were Ralph D. Heath, executive vice president of Lockheed Martin and president of Lockheed Martin Aeronautics; Dennys Plessas, vice president of business development in Greece; and John Larson, vice president of F-16 Programs.
"Lockheed Martin is pleased that through this government-to-government agreement, we are able to offer for the first time, a fully integrated and comprehensive weapon system, including a self-protection system, weapons and other subsystems which make this advanced version of the F-16 particularly effective for the operational needs of the Hellenic Air Force," said Plessas. "The recent completion of the infrastructure facilities as a special project in conjunction with this aircraft buy at Araxos Air Base, 116 Combat Wing guarantees the immediate use of this weapon system by the Hellenic Air Force."
"The F-16 we see before us today is a symbol of our 66-year friendship with the Hellenic Air Force, providing a path for the future to the next generation in aircraft with the F-35, as we continue to deliver on our promises between Lockheed Martin and the country of Greece," said Larson.
The Peace Xenia IV purchase program raises the total fighters ordered by the HAF to 170. The aircraft rolled out today is the first of 30 Block 52 Advanced F-16s being produced in the newest lot. The HAF received the F-16 Block 30 version starting in 1988, the Block 50 version starting in 1997 and the Block 52+ version in 2003. Greece has been a Lockheed Martin customer since 1943, when it acquired its first squadron of Martin A-30 Baltimore Mk III, IV and Vs.
The Peace Xenia IV program includes 20 F-16Cs and 10 F-16Ds, all powered by the Pratt & Whitney F100-PW-229 engine. This first aircraft - a single-seat F-16C model - was accepted by the U.S. government (as agent for Greece in the Foreign Military Sales process) in January 2009, one month ahead of schedule. The U.S. government also accepted the first two-seat F-16D version in January. The first four aircraft will be ferried to Greece in May with the remainder following in 2009 and 2010.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The F-16 is the choice of 25 nations. More than 4,400 aircraft have been delivered worldwide from assembly lines in five countries. The F-16 program has been characterized by unprecedented international cooperation among governments, air forces and aerospace industries. Major upgrades to all F-16 versions are being incorporated to keep the fleet modern and fully supportable over the aircraft's long service life.
Headquartered in Bethesda, Md., Lockheed Martin is a global security company that employs about 146,000 people worldwide and is principally engaged in the research, design, development, manufacture, integration and sustainment of advanced technology systems, products and services. The corporation reported 2008 sales of $42.7 billion.
HAF F-16C block 52 #022 is on a pre-delivery test flight when spotted on approach into NAS Fort Worth. (2-13-09, Keith Robinson)
Lt. Gen. Ioannis Giagkos, chief of the Hellenic Air Force General Staff, accepted the first Peace Xenia IV F-16 Block 52 advanced aircraft on behalf of his nation and expressed satisfaction with its timely delivery. "I am grateful to everyone who contributed to the design and construction of this ultra-modern weapon system. With these new aircraft, the defense and deterrent force of the Hellenic Air Force will be significantly enhanced," he said.
U.S. officials attending the ceremony included Bruce Lemkin, deputy undersecretary of the Air Force for International Affairs. Hosting the ceremony were Ralph D. Heath, executive vice president of Lockheed Martin and president of Lockheed Martin Aeronautics; Dennys Plessas, vice president of business development in Greece; and John Larson, vice president of F-16 Programs.
"Lockheed Martin is pleased that through this government-to-government agreement, we are able to offer for the first time, a fully integrated and comprehensive weapon system, including a self-protection system, weapons and other subsystems which make this advanced version of the F-16 particularly effective for the operational needs of the Hellenic Air Force," said Plessas. "The recent completion of the infrastructure facilities as a special project in conjunction with this aircraft buy at Araxos Air Base, 116 Combat Wing guarantees the immediate use of this weapon system by the Hellenic Air Force."
"The F-16 we see before us today is a symbol of our 66-year friendship with the Hellenic Air Force, providing a path for the future to the next generation in aircraft with the F-35, as we continue to deliver on our promises between Lockheed Martin and the country of Greece," said Larson.
The Peace Xenia IV purchase program raises the total fighters ordered by the HAF to 170. The aircraft rolled out today is the first of 30 Block 52 Advanced F-16s being produced in the newest lot. The HAF received the F-16 Block 30 version starting in 1988, the Block 50 version starting in 1997 and the Block 52+ version in 2003. Greece has been a Lockheed Martin customer since 1943, when it acquired its first squadron of Martin A-30 Baltimore Mk III, IV and Vs.
The Peace Xenia IV program includes 20 F-16Cs and 10 F-16Ds, all powered by the Pratt & Whitney F100-PW-229 engine. This first aircraft - a single-seat F-16C model - was accepted by the U.S. government (as agent for Greece in the Foreign Military Sales process) in January 2009, one month ahead of schedule. The U.S. government also accepted the first two-seat F-16D version in January. The first four aircraft will be ferried to Greece in May with the remainder following in 2009 and 2010.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The F-16 is the choice of 25 nations. More than 4,400 aircraft have been delivered worldwide from assembly lines in five countries. The F-16 program has been characterized by unprecedented international cooperation among governments, air forces and aerospace industries. Major upgrades to all F-16 versions are being incorporated to keep the fleet modern and fully supportable over the aircraft's long service life.
Headquartered in Bethesda, Md., Lockheed Martin is a global security company that employs about 146,000 people worldwide and is principally engaged in the research, design, development, manufacture, integration and sustainment of advanced technology systems, products and services. The corporation reported 2008 sales of $42.7 billion.Russian Air Force Starts 4-Day Exercise North Of Arctic Circle
Russian Air Force Starts 4-Day Exercise North Of Arctic Circle
(NSI News Source Info) MOSCOW - March 20, 2009: The Russian Air Force has launched a four-day exercise near the city of Vorkuta, north of the Arctic Circle, a spokesman said on Thursday.
The Tupolev Tu-95 is a large, four-engine turboprop powered strategic bomber and missile platform.
First flown in 1952, the Tu-95 was put into service by the former Soviet Union in 1956 and is expected to serve the Russian Air Force until at least 2040.
Commonly known by its NATO designation, the "Bear" the aircraft has four Kuznetsov NK-12 engines, each driving contra-rotating propellers. It remains the fastest propeller-driven aircraft and the only turboprop-powered strategic bomber to go into operational use. Its distinctively swept back wings are at 35 degrees, a very sharp angle by the standards of propeller-driven aircraft. *A naval development of the bomber is designated Tu-142.
Lt. Col. Vladimir Drik said Tu-160 Blackjack and Tu-95 Bear-H strategic bombers were test launching cruise missiles and dropping precision guided bombs at the Pemboi test range.
He did not say what types of missiles were involved, but a Russian deputy defense minister previously said a new long-range missile would soon enter service with the Air Force.
The launches are part of a command-and-staff exercises supervised by Maj. Gen. Pavel Androsov, long-range aviation commander, and are due to last until March 20.
Drik said a total of six warplanes were taking part in the drills.
The Tupolev Tu-95 is a large, four-engine turboprop powered strategic bomber and missile platform.
First flown in 1952, the Tu-95 was put into service by the former Soviet Union in 1956 and is expected to serve the Russian Air Force until at least 2040.
Commonly known by its NATO designation, the "Bear" the aircraft has four Kuznetsov NK-12 engines, each driving contra-rotating propellers. It remains the fastest propeller-driven aircraft and the only turboprop-powered strategic bomber to go into operational use. Its distinctively swept back wings are at 35 degrees, a very sharp angle by the standards of propeller-driven aircraft. *A naval development of the bomber is designated Tu-142.
Lt. Col. Vladimir Drik said Tu-160 Blackjack and Tu-95 Bear-H strategic bombers were test launching cruise missiles and dropping precision guided bombs at the Pemboi test range.
He did not say what types of missiles were involved, but a Russian deputy defense minister previously said a new long-range missile would soon enter service with the Air Force.
The launches are part of a command-and-staff exercises supervised by Maj. Gen. Pavel Androsov, long-range aviation commander, and are due to last until March 20.
Drik said a total of six warplanes were taking part in the drills.
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Tu-95 Bear
Thursday, March 19, 2009
Counterterrorism Funding: Old Fears and Cyclical Lulls
Counterterrorism Funding: Old Fears and Cyclical Lulls
By Fred Burton and Scott Stewart STRATFOR
(NSI News Source Info) March 19, 2009: Two years ago, we wrote an article discussing the historical pattern of the boom and bust in counterterrorism spending. In that article
we discussed the phenomenon whereby a successful terrorist attack creates a profound shock that is quite often followed by an extended lull. We noted how this dynamic tends to create a pendulum effect in public perception and how public opinion is ultimately translated into public policy that produces security and counterterrorism funding.
In other words, the shock of a successful terrorist attack creates a crisis environment in which the public demands action from the government and Washington responds by earmarking vast amounts of funds to address the problem. Then the lull sets in, and some of the programs created during the crisis are scrapped entirely or are killed by a series of budget cuts as the public’s perception of the threat changes and its demands for government action focus elsewhere. The lull eventually is shattered by another attack — and another infusion of money goes to address the now-neglected problem.
On March 13, The Washington Post carried a story entitled “Hardened U.S. Embassies Symbolic of Old Fears, Critics Say.” The story discussed the new generation of U.S. Embassy buildings, which are often referred to as “Inman buildings” by State Department insiders. This name refers to buildings constructed in accordance with the physical security standards set by the Secretary of State’s Advisory Panel on Overseas Security, a panel chaired by former Deputy CIA Director Adm. Bobby Inman following the 1983 attacks against the U.S. embassies in Beirut and Kuwait City. The 1985 Inman report, which established these security requirements and contributed to one of the historical security spending booms, was also responsible for beefing up the State Department’s Office of Security and transforming it into the Diplomatic Security Service (DSS).
It has been 11 years since a U.S. Embassy has been reduced to a smoking hole in the ground, and the public’s perception of the threat appears to be changing once again. In The Washington Post article, Stephen Schlesinger, an adjunct fellow at the Century Foundation, faults the new Inman building that serves as the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York for being unattractive and uninviting. Schlesinger is quoted as saying: “Rather than being an approachable, beckoning embassy — emphasizing America’s desire to open up to the rest of the globe and convey our historically optimistic and progressive values — it sits across from the U.N. headquarters like a dark, forbidding fortress, saying, ‘Go away.’” When opinion leaders begin to express such sentiments in The Washington Post, it is an indication that we are now in the lull period of the counterterrorism cycle.
Tensions Over Security
There has always been a tension between security and diplomacy in the U.S. State Department. There are some diplomats who consider security to be antithetical to diplomacy and, like Mr. Schlesinger, believe that U.S. diplomatic facilities need to be open and accessible rather than secure. These foreign service officers (FSOs) also believe that regional security officers are too risk averse and that they place too many restrictions on diplomats to allow them to practice effective diplomacy. (Regional security officer — RSO — is the title given to a DSS special agent in charge of security at an embassy.) To quote one FSO, DSS special agents are “cop-like morons.” People who carry guns instead of demarches and who go out and arrest people for passport and visa fraud are simply not considered “diplomatic.” There is also the thorny issue that in their counterintelligence role, DSS agents are often forced to confront FSOs over personal behavio r (such as sexual proclivities or even crimes) that could be considered grounds for blackmail by a hostile intelligence service.
On the other side of the coin, DSS agents feel the animosity emanating from those in the foreign service establishment who are hostile to security and who oppose the DSS efforts to improve security at diplomatic missions overseas. DSS agents refer to these FSOs as “black dragons” — a phrase commonly uttered in conjunction with a curse. DSS agents see themselves as the ones left holding the bag when an FSO disregards security guidelines, does something reckless, and is robbed, raped or murdered. It is most often the RSO and his staff who are responsible for going out and picking up the pieces when something turns bad. It is also the RSO who is called before a U.S. government accountability review board when an embassy is attacked and destroyed. In the eyes of a DSS special agent, then, a strong, well-protected building conveys a far better representation of American values and strength than does a smoldering hole in the ground, where an “accessible&# 8221; embassy once stood. In the mind of a DSS agent, dead diplomats can conduct no diplomacy.
This internal tension has also played a role in the funding boom and bust for diplomatic security overseas. Indeed, DSS agents are convinced that the black dragons consistently attempt to cut security budgets during the lull periods. When career foreign service officers like Sheldon Krys and Anthony Quainton were appointed to serve as assistant secretaries for diplomatic security — and presided over large cuts in budgets and manpower — many DSS agents were convinced that Krys and Quainton had been placed in that position specifically to sabotage the agency.
DSS agents were suspicious of Quainton, in particular, because of his history. In February 1992, while Quainton was serving as the U.S. ambassador to Peru, the ambassador’s residence in Lima was attacked by Shining Path guerrillas who detonated a large vehicular-borne improvised explosive device in the street next to it. A team sent by the DSS counterterrorism investigations division to investigate the attack concluded in its report that Quainton’s refusal to follow the RSO’s recommendation to alter his schedule was partially responsible for the attack. The report angered Quainton, who became the assistant secretary for diplomatic security seven months later. Shortly after assuming his post, Quainton proclaimed to his staff that “terrorism is dead” and ordered the abolishment of the DSS counterterrorism investigations division.
Using a little bureaucratic sleight of hand, then-DSS Director Clark Dittmer renamed the office the Protective Intelligence Investigations Division (PII) and allowed it to maintain its staff and function. Although Quainton had declared terrorism dead, special agents assigned to the PII office would be involved in the investigation of the first known al Qaeda attacks against U.S. interests in Aden and Sanaa,Yemen, in December 1992. They also played a significant role in the investigation of the World Trade Center bombing in February 1993, the investigation of the 1993 New York Landmarks Plot and many subsequent terrorism cases.
Boom-and-Bust Funding
One of the problems problem created by the feast-or-famine cycle of security funding is that during the boom times, when there is a sudden (and often huge) influx of cash, agencies sometimes have difficulty spending all the money allotted to them in a logical and productive manner. Congress, acting on strong public opinion, often will give an agency even more than it initially requested for a particular program — and then expect an immediate solution to the problem. Rather than risk losing these funds, the agencies scramble to find ways to spend them. Then, quite often, by the time the agency is able to get its act together and develop a system effectively to use the funds, the lull has set in and funding is cut. These cuts frequently are accompanied by criticism of how the agency spent the initial glut of funding.
Whether or not it was a conscious effort on the part of people like Quainton, funding for diplomatic security programs was greatly reduced during the lull period of the 1990s. In addition to a reduction in the funding provided to build new embassies or bring existing buildings up to Inman standards, RSOs were forced to make repeated cuts in budgets for items such as local guard forces, residential security and the maintenance of security equipment such as closed-circuit TV cameras and vehicular barriers.
These budget cuts were identified as a contributing factor in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. The final report of the Crowe Commission, which was established to investigate the attacks, notes that its accountability review board members “were especially disturbed by the collective failure of the U.S. government over the past decade to provide adequate resources to reduce the vulnerability of U.S. diplomatic missions to terrorist attacks in most countries around the world.”
The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi was known to be vulnerable. Following the August 1997 raid on the Nairobi residence of Wadih el-Hage, U.S. officials learned that el-Hage and his confederates had conducted extensive pre-operational surveillance against the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, indicating that they planned to attack the facility. The U.S. ambassador in Nairobi, citing the embassy’s vulnerability to car bomb attacks, asked the state department in December 1997 to authorize a relocation of the embassy to a safer place. In its January 1998 denial of the request, the state department said that, in spite of the threat and vulnerability, the post’s “medium” terrorism threat level did not warrant the expenditure.
Old Fears
The 1998 East Africa embassy bombings highlighted the consequences of the security budget cuts that came during the lull years. Clearly, terrorism was not dead then, nor is it dead today, in spite of the implications in the March 13 Washington Post article. Indeed, the current threat of attacks directed against U.S. diplomatic facilities is very real. Since January 2008, we have seen attacks against U.S. diplomatic facilities in Sanaa, Yemen; Istanbul, Turkey; Kabul, Afghanistan; Belgrade, Serbia; and Monterrey, Mexico (as well as attacks against Ameri can diplomats in Pakistan, Sudan and Lebanon). Since 2001, there have also been serious attacks against U.S. diplomatic facilities in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia; Karachi, Pakistan; Damascus, Syria; Athens, Greece; and Baghdad, Iraq.
Even if one believes, as we do, that al Qaeda’s abilities have been severely degraded since 9/11, it must be recognized that the group and its regional franchises still retain the ability to conduct tactical strikes. In fact, due to the increased level of security at U.S. diplomatic missions, most of the attacks conducted by jihadists have been directed against softer targets such as hotels or the embassies of other foreign countries. Indeed, attacks that were intended to be substantial strikes against U.S. diplomatic facilities in places like Sanaa, Jeddah and Istanbul have been thwarted by the security measures in place at those facilities. Even in Damascus, where the embassy was an older facility that did not meet Inman standards, adequate security measures (aided by poor planning and execution on the part of the attackers) helpe d thwart a potentially disastrous attack.
However, in spite of the phrase “war on terrorism,” terrorism is a tactic and not an entity. One cannot kill or destroy a tactic. Historically, terrorism has been used by a wide array of actors ranging from neo-Nazis to anarchists and from Maoists to jihadists. Even when the Cold War ended and many of the state-sponsored terrorist groups lost their funding, the tactic of terrorism endured. Even if the core al Qaeda leaders were killed or captured tomorrow and the jihadist threat were neutralized next week, terrorism would not go away. As we have previously pointed out, ideologies are far harder to kill than individuals. There will always be actors with various ideologies who will embrace terrorism as a tactic to strike a stronger enemy, and as the sole global superpower, the U.S. and its diplomatic missions will be target ed for terrorist attacks for the foreseeable future — or at least the next 100 years.
During this time, the booms and busts of counterterrorism and security spending will continue in response to successful attacks and in the lulls between spectacular terrorist strikes like 9/11. During the lulls in this cycle, it will be easy for complacency to slip in — especially when there are competing financial needs. But terrorism is not going to go away any time soon, and when emotion is removed from the cycle, a logical and compelling argument emerges for consistently supplying enough money to protect U.S. embassies and other essential facilities.
we discussed the phenomenon whereby a successful terrorist attack creates a profound shock that is quite often followed by an extended lull. We noted how this dynamic tends to create a pendulum effect in public perception and how public opinion is ultimately translated into public policy that produces security and counterterrorism funding.
In other words, the shock of a successful terrorist attack creates a crisis environment in which the public demands action from the government and Washington responds by earmarking vast amounts of funds to address the problem. Then the lull sets in, and some of the programs created during the crisis are scrapped entirely or are killed by a series of budget cuts as the public’s perception of the threat changes and its demands for government action focus elsewhere. The lull eventually is shattered by another attack — and another infusion of money goes to address the now-neglected problem.
On March 13, The Washington Post carried a story entitled “Hardened U.S. Embassies Symbolic of Old Fears, Critics Say.” The story discussed the new generation of U.S. Embassy buildings, which are often referred to as “Inman buildings” by State Department insiders. This name refers to buildings constructed in accordance with the physical security standards set by the Secretary of State’s Advisory Panel on Overseas Security, a panel chaired by former Deputy CIA Director Adm. Bobby Inman following the 1983 attacks against the U.S. embassies in Beirut and Kuwait City. The 1985 Inman report, which established these security requirements and contributed to one of the historical security spending booms, was also responsible for beefing up the State Department’s Office of Security and transforming it into the Diplomatic Security Service (DSS).
It has been 11 years since a U.S. Embassy has been reduced to a smoking hole in the ground, and the public’s perception of the threat appears to be changing once again. In The Washington Post article, Stephen Schlesinger, an adjunct fellow at the Century Foundation, faults the new Inman building that serves as the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York for being unattractive and uninviting. Schlesinger is quoted as saying: “Rather than being an approachable, beckoning embassy — emphasizing America’s desire to open up to the rest of the globe and convey our historically optimistic and progressive values — it sits across from the U.N. headquarters like a dark, forbidding fortress, saying, ‘Go away.’” When opinion leaders begin to express such sentiments in The Washington Post, it is an indication that we are now in the lull period of the counterterrorism cycle.
Tensions Over Security
There has always been a tension between security and diplomacy in the U.S. State Department. There are some diplomats who consider security to be antithetical to diplomacy and, like Mr. Schlesinger, believe that U.S. diplomatic facilities need to be open and accessible rather than secure. These foreign service officers (FSOs) also believe that regional security officers are too risk averse and that they place too many restrictions on diplomats to allow them to practice effective diplomacy. (Regional security officer — RSO — is the title given to a DSS special agent in charge of security at an embassy.) To quote one FSO, DSS special agents are “cop-like morons.” People who carry guns instead of demarches and who go out and arrest people for passport and visa fraud are simply not considered “diplomatic.” There is also the thorny issue that in their counterintelligence role, DSS agents are often forced to confront FSOs over personal behavio r (such as sexual proclivities or even crimes) that could be considered grounds for blackmail by a hostile intelligence service.
On the other side of the coin, DSS agents feel the animosity emanating from those in the foreign service establishment who are hostile to security and who oppose the DSS efforts to improve security at diplomatic missions overseas. DSS agents refer to these FSOs as “black dragons” — a phrase commonly uttered in conjunction with a curse. DSS agents see themselves as the ones left holding the bag when an FSO disregards security guidelines, does something reckless, and is robbed, raped or murdered. It is most often the RSO and his staff who are responsible for going out and picking up the pieces when something turns bad. It is also the RSO who is called before a U.S. government accountability review board when an embassy is attacked and destroyed. In the eyes of a DSS special agent, then, a strong, well-protected building conveys a far better representation of American values and strength than does a smoldering hole in the ground, where an “accessible&# 8221; embassy once stood. In the mind of a DSS agent, dead diplomats can conduct no diplomacy.
This internal tension has also played a role in the funding boom and bust for diplomatic security overseas. Indeed, DSS agents are convinced that the black dragons consistently attempt to cut security budgets during the lull periods. When career foreign service officers like Sheldon Krys and Anthony Quainton were appointed to serve as assistant secretaries for diplomatic security — and presided over large cuts in budgets and manpower — many DSS agents were convinced that Krys and Quainton had been placed in that position specifically to sabotage the agency.
DSS agents were suspicious of Quainton, in particular, because of his history. In February 1992, while Quainton was serving as the U.S. ambassador to Peru, the ambassador’s residence in Lima was attacked by Shining Path guerrillas who detonated a large vehicular-borne improvised explosive device in the street next to it. A team sent by the DSS counterterrorism investigations division to investigate the attack concluded in its report that Quainton’s refusal to follow the RSO’s recommendation to alter his schedule was partially responsible for the attack. The report angered Quainton, who became the assistant secretary for diplomatic security seven months later. Shortly after assuming his post, Quainton proclaimed to his staff that “terrorism is dead” and ordered the abolishment of the DSS counterterrorism investigations division.
Using a little bureaucratic sleight of hand, then-DSS Director Clark Dittmer renamed the office the Protective Intelligence Investigations Division (PII) and allowed it to maintain its staff and function. Although Quainton had declared terrorism dead, special agents assigned to the PII office would be involved in the investigation of the first known al Qaeda attacks against U.S. interests in Aden and Sanaa,Yemen, in December 1992. They also played a significant role in the investigation of the World Trade Center bombing in February 1993, the investigation of the 1993 New York Landmarks Plot and many subsequent terrorism cases.
Boom-and-Bust Funding
One of the problems problem created by the feast-or-famine cycle of security funding is that during the boom times, when there is a sudden (and often huge) influx of cash, agencies sometimes have difficulty spending all the money allotted to them in a logical and productive manner. Congress, acting on strong public opinion, often will give an agency even more than it initially requested for a particular program — and then expect an immediate solution to the problem. Rather than risk losing these funds, the agencies scramble to find ways to spend them. Then, quite often, by the time the agency is able to get its act together and develop a system effectively to use the funds, the lull has set in and funding is cut. These cuts frequently are accompanied by criticism of how the agency spent the initial glut of funding.
Whether or not it was a conscious effort on the part of people like Quainton, funding for diplomatic security programs was greatly reduced during the lull period of the 1990s. In addition to a reduction in the funding provided to build new embassies or bring existing buildings up to Inman standards, RSOs were forced to make repeated cuts in budgets for items such as local guard forces, residential security and the maintenance of security equipment such as closed-circuit TV cameras and vehicular barriers.
These budget cuts were identified as a contributing factor in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. The final report of the Crowe Commission, which was established to investigate the attacks, notes that its accountability review board members “were especially disturbed by the collective failure of the U.S. government over the past decade to provide adequate resources to reduce the vulnerability of U.S. diplomatic missions to terrorist attacks in most countries around the world.”
The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi was known to be vulnerable. Following the August 1997 raid on the Nairobi residence of Wadih el-Hage, U.S. officials learned that el-Hage and his confederates had conducted extensive pre-operational surveillance against the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, indicating that they planned to attack the facility. The U.S. ambassador in Nairobi, citing the embassy’s vulnerability to car bomb attacks, asked the state department in December 1997 to authorize a relocation of the embassy to a safer place. In its January 1998 denial of the request, the state department said that, in spite of the threat and vulnerability, the post’s “medium” terrorism threat level did not warrant the expenditure.
Old Fears
The 1998 East Africa embassy bombings highlighted the consequences of the security budget cuts that came during the lull years. Clearly, terrorism was not dead then, nor is it dead today, in spite of the implications in the March 13 Washington Post article. Indeed, the current threat of attacks directed against U.S. diplomatic facilities is very real. Since January 2008, we have seen attacks against U.S. diplomatic facilities in Sanaa, Yemen; Istanbul, Turkey; Kabul, Afghanistan; Belgrade, Serbia; and Monterrey, Mexico (as well as attacks against Ameri can diplomats in Pakistan, Sudan and Lebanon). Since 2001, there have also been serious attacks against U.S. diplomatic facilities in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia; Karachi, Pakistan; Damascus, Syria; Athens, Greece; and Baghdad, Iraq.
Even if one believes, as we do, that al Qaeda’s abilities have been severely degraded since 9/11, it must be recognized that the group and its regional franchises still retain the ability to conduct tactical strikes. In fact, due to the increased level of security at U.S. diplomatic missions, most of the attacks conducted by jihadists have been directed against softer targets such as hotels or the embassies of other foreign countries. Indeed, attacks that were intended to be substantial strikes against U.S. diplomatic facilities in places like Sanaa, Jeddah and Istanbul have been thwarted by the security measures in place at those facilities. Even in Damascus, where the embassy was an older facility that did not meet Inman standards, adequate security measures (aided by poor planning and execution on the part of the attackers) helpe d thwart a potentially disastrous attack.
However, in spite of the phrase “war on terrorism,” terrorism is a tactic and not an entity. One cannot kill or destroy a tactic. Historically, terrorism has been used by a wide array of actors ranging from neo-Nazis to anarchists and from Maoists to jihadists. Even when the Cold War ended and many of the state-sponsored terrorist groups lost their funding, the tactic of terrorism endured. Even if the core al Qaeda leaders were killed or captured tomorrow and the jihadist threat were neutralized next week, terrorism would not go away. As we have previously pointed out, ideologies are far harder to kill than individuals. There will always be actors with various ideologies who will embrace terrorism as a tactic to strike a stronger enemy, and as the sole global superpower, the U.S. and its diplomatic missions will be target ed for terrorist attacks for the foreseeable future — or at least the next 100 years.
During this time, the booms and busts of counterterrorism and security spending will continue in response to successful attacks and in the lulls between spectacular terrorist strikes like 9/11. During the lulls in this cycle, it will be easy for complacency to slip in — especially when there are competing financial needs. But terrorism is not going to go away any time soon, and when emotion is removed from the cycle, a logical and compelling argument emerges for consistently supplying enough money to protect U.S. embassies and other essential facilities.
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