Showing posts with label Drug Lords. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Drug Lords. Show all posts

Thursday, February 16, 2012

DTN News - MEXICO DRUGS WAR: Meth In Mexico - A Turning Point In The Drug War?

DTN News - MEXICO DRUGS WAR: Meth In Mexico - A Turning Point In The Drug War?
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Ben West - Stratfor
 (NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - February 16, 2012: Mexican authorities announced Feb. 8 the largest seizure of methamphetamine in Mexican history -- and possibly the largest ever anywhere -- on a ranch outside of Guadalajara. The total haul was 15 tons of pure methamphetamine along with a laboratory capable of producing all the methamphetamine seized. While authorities are not linking the methamphetamine to any specific criminal group, Guadalajara is a known stronghold of the Sinaloa Federation, and previous seizures there have been connected to the group. 

 Methamphetamine, a synthetic drug manufactured in personal labs for decades, is nothing new in Mexico or the United States. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has led numerous crusades against the drug, increasing regulations on its ingredients to try to keep it from gaining a foothold in the United States. While the DEA's efforts have succeeded in limiting production of the drug in the United States, consumption has risen steadily over the past two decades. The increasing DEA pressure on U.S. suppliers and the growing demand for methamphetamine have driven large-scale production of the drug outside the borders of the United States. Given Mexico's proximity and the pervasiveness of organized criminal elements seeking new markets, it makes sense that methamphetamine would be produced on an industrial scale there. Indeed, Mexico has provided an environment for a scale of production far greater than anything ever seen in the United States. 

But last week's methamphetamine seizure sheds light on a deeper shift in organized criminal activity in Mexico -- one that could mark a breakthrough in the violent stalemate that has existed between the Sinaloa Federation, Los Zetas and the government for the past five years and has led to an estimated 50,000 deaths. It also reveals a pattern in North American organized crime activity that can be seen throughout the 20th century as well as a business opportunity that could transform criminal groups in Mexico from the drug trafficking intermediaries they are today to controllers of an independent and profitable illicit market. 

While the trafficking groups in Mexico are commonly called "cartels" (even Stratfor uses the term), they are not really cartels. A cartel is a combination of groups cooperating to control the supply of a commodity. The primary purpose of a cartel is to set the price of a commodity so that buyers cannot negotiate lower prices. The current conflict in Mexico over cocaine and marijuana smuggling routes shows that there are deep rifts between rival groups like the Sinaloa Federation and Los Zetas. There is no sign that they are cooperating with each other to set the price of cocaine or marijuana. Also, since most of the Mexican criminal groups are involved in a diverse array of criminal activities, their interests go beyond drug trafficking. They are perhaps most accurately described as "transnational criminal organizations" (TCOs), the label currently favored by the DEA.

Examples from the Past

While the level of violence in Mexico right now is unprecedented, it is important to remember that the Mexican TCOs are businesses. They do use violence in conducting business, but their top priority is to make profits, not kill people. The history of organized crime shows many examples of groups engaging in violence to control an illegal product. During the early 20th century in North America, to take advantage of Prohibition in the United States, organized criminal empires were built around the bootlegging industry. After the repeal of Prohibition, gambling and casinos became the hot market. Control over Las Vegas and other major gambling hubs was a business both dangerous and profitable. Control over the U.S. heroin market was consolidated and then dismantled during the 1960s and 1970s. Then came cocaine and the rise in power, wealth and violence of Colombian groups like the Medellin and Cali cartels. 

But as U.S. and Colombian law enforcement cracked down on the Colombian cartels -- interdicting them in Colombia and closing down their Caribbean smuggling corridors -- Colombian producers had to turn to the Mexicans to traffic cocaine through Mexico to the United States. To this day, however, Colombian criminal groups descended from the Medellin and Cali cartels control the cultivation and production of cocaine in South America, while Mexican groups increasingly oversee the trafficking of the drug to the United States, Europe and Africa.

The Mexican Weakness

While violence has been used in the past to eliminate or coerce competitors and physically take control of an illegal market, it has not proved to be a solution in recent years for Mexican TCOs. The Medellin cartel became infamous for attacking Colombian state officials and competitors who tried to weaken its grasp over the cocaine market. Going back further, Benjamin "Bugsy" Siegel is thought to have been murdered over disagreements about his handling of the Flamingo Hotel in Las Vegas. Before that, Prohibition saw numerous murders over control of liquor shipments and territory. In Mexico, we are seeing an escalating level of such violence, but few of the business resolutions that would be expected to come about as a result. 

Geography helps explain this. In Mexico, the Sierra Madre mountain range splits the east coast and the west from the center. The Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean coastal plains tend to develop their own power bases separate from each other. 

Mexican drug traffickers are also split by market forces. With Colombian criminal groups still largely controlling the production of cocaine in jungle laboratories, Mexican traffickers are essentially middlemen. They must run the gauntlet of U.S.-led international interdiction efforts by using a combination of Central American traffickers, corruption and street-gang enforcers. They also have to move the cocaine across the U.S. border, where it gets distributed by hundreds of street gangs. 

Profit is the primary motivation at every step, and each hurdle the Mexican traffickers have to clear cuts into their profit margins. The cocaine producers in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia can play the Sinaloa Federation and Los Zetas (as well as others) off of each other to strengthen their own bargaining position. And even though keeping the traffickers split appears to create massive amounts of violence in Mexico, it benefits the politicians and officials there, who can leverage at least the presence of a competitor for better bribes and payoffs. 

For Mexican drug traffickers, competition is bad for the bottom line, since it allows other actors to exploit each side to get a larger share of the market. Essentially, everyone else in the cocaine market benefits by keeping the traffickers split. The more actors involved in cocaine trafficking, the harder it is to control it.

The Solution 

Historically, organized criminal groups have relied on control of a market for their source of wealth and power. But the current situation in Mexico, and the cocaine trade in general, prevents the Mexican groups (or anyone) from controlling the market outright. As long as geography and market forces keep the traffickers split, all sides in Mexico will try to use violence to get more control over territory and market access. We assume that Mexico's geography will not change dramatically any time soon, but market forces are much more temporal. 

Mexican criminal organizations can overcome their weakness in the cocaine market by investing the money they have earned (billions of dollars, according to the most conservative estimates) into the control of other markets. Ultimately, cocaine is impossible for the Mexicans to control because the coca plant can only grow in sufficient quantity in the foothills of the Andes. It would be prohibitively expensive for the Mexicans to take over control of coca cultivation and cocaine production there. Mexican criminal organizations are increasing their presence in the heroin market, but while they can grow poppies in Mexico and produce black-tar heroin, Afghanistan still controls a dominant share of the white heroin market -- around 90 percent. 

What Mexicans can control is the methamphetamine market. What we are seeing in Mexico right now -- unprecedented amounts of the seized drug -- is reminiscent of what we saw over the past century in the infancy of the illegal liquor, gambling, heroin and cocaine markets: an organized criminal group industrializing production in or control of a loosely organized industry and using that control to set prices and increase its power. Again, while illegal methamphetamine has been produced in the United States for decades, regulatory pressure and law enforcement efforts have kept it at a small scale; seizures are typically measured in pounds or kilograms and producers are on the run. 

Mexican producers have also been in the market for a long time, but over the past year we have seen seizures go from being measured in kilograms to being measured in metric tons. In other words, we are seeing evidence that methamphetamine production has increased several orders of magnitude and is fast becoming an industrialized process. 

In addition to the 15 tons seized last week, we saw a record seizure of 675 tons of methylamine, a key ingredient of methamphetamine, in Mexico in December. From 2010 to 2011, seizures of precursor chemicals like methylamine in Mexico increased 400 percent, from 400 tons to 1,600 tons. These most recent reports are similar to reports in the 1920s of U.S. liquor seizures going from barrels to shiploads, which indicated bootlegging was being conducted on an industrial scale. They are also eerily similar to the record cocaine seizure in 1984 in Tranquilandia, Colombia, when Colombian National Police uncovered a network of jungle cocaine labs along with 13.8 metric tons of cocaine. It was the watershed moment, when authorities moved from measuring cocaine busts in kilograms to measuring them in tons, and it marked the Medellin cartel's rise to power over the cocaine market.

A True Mexican Criminal Industry?

Anyone can make methamphetamine, but it is a huge organizational, financial and legal challenge to make it on the industrial level that appears to be happening in Mexico. The main difference between the U.S. labs and the Mexican labs is the kind of input chemicals they use. The U.S. labs use pseudoephedrine, a pharmaceutical product heavily regulated by the DEA, as a starting material, while Mexican labs use methylamine, a chemical with many industrial applications that is more difficult to regulate. And while pseudoephedrine comes in small individual packages of cold pills, methylamine is bought in 208-liter (55-gallon) barrels. The Mexican process requires experienced chemists who have mastered synthesizing methamphetamine on a large scale, which gives them an advantage over the small-time amateurs working in U.S. methamphetamine labs. 

Thus, while methamphetamine consumption has been steadily growing in the United States for the past two decades -- and at roughly $100 per gram, unpure methamphetamine is just as profitable on the street as cocaine -- it is even more profitable for Mexican traffickers. Methamphetamine does not come with the overhead costs of purchasing cocaine from Colombians and trafficking valuable merchandise through some of the most dangerous countries in the Western Hemisphere. Precursor materials such as methylamine used in methamphetamine production are cheap, and East Asian producers appear to be perfectly willing to sell the chemicals to Mexico. And because methamphetamine is a synthetic drug, its production does not depend on agriculture like cocaine and marijuana production does. There is no need to control large swaths of cropland and there is less risk of losing product to adverse weather or eradication efforts. 

For the Mexican TCOs, industrializing and controlling the methamphetamine market offers a level of real control over a market that is not possible with cocaine. We expect fighting over the methamphetamine market to maintain violence at its current levels, but once a group comes out on top it will have far more resources to expel or absorb rival TCOs. This process may not sound ideal, but methamphetamine could pick the winner in the Mexican drug war. 



*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Ben West - Stratfor
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
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Thursday, September 02, 2010

DTN News: Mexico Drug Kingpin Says He Received Trailers Of US Cash

DTN News: Mexico Drug Kingpin Says He Received Trailers Of US Cash
Source: DTN News / AFP
(NSI News Source Info) MEXICO CITY - September 2, 2010: A captured Mexican drug kingpin admitted to "investments" in Colombia and said he had received trailers full of dollars from the United States, in a first interrogation video released here. US-born Edgar Valdez, alias "the Barbie" for his fair complexion, was captured this week, in a major coup for the Mexican government as it struggles to contain raging drug violence. Valdez, 37, was a key lieutenant of Arturo Beltran-Leyva, who headed the Beltran-Leyva cartel and was Mexico's third most wanted man until his December 2009 death in a military operation. Mexican justice officials on Wednesday interrogated "the Barbie" and were set to decide whether he would be sent to the United States, where he has been indicted in several drug trafficking cases. US and Mexican officials both offered some two million dollars for information leading to his arrest. The broad-faced drug trafficker wiped sweat off his face as he replied to questions from a female voice in images released by the attorney general's office late Tuesday. He said his networks extended to Colombia and he received payments from the United States in dollars hidden in vehicle trailers. "I have investments in Colombia," Valdez said, "in my field of work." "Is it drugs?" his interrogator asked. "Drugs," Valdez replied, adding that they were transported via Panama and Mexico. Colombian authorities on Tuesday announced the arrest of 11 people linked to Valdez's network and said that leftist FARC rebels from Colombia had delivered up to three tonnes of cocaine to him per month. Valdez, who headed a brutal assassination squad, said he had always worked alone. But he said he had met Mexico's top drug kingpins, including Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman, the country's most wanted man and the head of the powerful Sinaloa cartel. He also admitted hiding a man accused of shooting Paraguayan soccer star Salvador Cabanas in a Mexico City bar last January, saying: "I put him in one of my offices... for around three months." Valdez said the assailant, Jose Jorge Balderas, alias "The JJ," had previously been friends with Cabanas, who survived the attack and still has the bullet in his skull. Mexico has arrested several top drug bosses in recent months, but the military crackdown on organized crime has been accompanied by a spike in violence -- more than 28,000 people have been killed in suspected drug attacks since 2006. A top US drug official lauded the latest capture in Mexico City Wednesday, while underlining the need to stem the violence. "The level of violence here remains quite disturbing so we're focused not just on the capture of individuals but on the work with our Mexican counterparts to remove these organizations and to take them apart," said David Johnson, from the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. Valdez was thought to have been involved in a power struggle to replace Beltran-Leyva after the gang was dealt a severe blow with their leader's death last December, followed by the arrest of his younger brother, Carlos. Born in the Texan border city of Laredo, Valdez was responsible for dozens of brutal deaths in central Mexico and near the Pacific beach resort of Acapulco in recent months, according to Mexican authorities. In his interrogation, Valdez said he had commissioned a movie relating his life story, for 200,000 dollars, but that he had not seen it finished.
**This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News, contact: dtnnews@ymail
Latin America News

At least 17 migrants kidnapped in northern Mexico

At least 17 migrants kidnapped in northern Mexico
AFP - Thursday, September 2

TIJUANA, Mexico (AFP) - - At least 17 migrants have been kidnapped near the US border in northern Mexico by human traffickers, Tijuana police said. More »

  • Chile miners' morale leaps as rescue inches closer

    Chile miners' morale leaps as rescue inches closer

    AFP - Thursday, September 2

    COPIAPO, Chile (AFP) - - The morale of 33 miners trapped in Chile soared after music and hot meals were supplied, while NASA advisers praised their "courage" and provided advice on daylight deprivation, as a rescue drill inched closer.

  • Mexico drug kingpin says he received trailers of US cash

    Mexico drug kingpin says he received trailers of US cash

    AFP - Thursday, September 2

    MEXICO CITY (AFP) - - A captured Mexican drug kingpin admitted to "investments" in Colombia and said he had received trailers full of dollars from the United States, in a first interrogation video released here.

  • Ecuador announces second survivor of Mexican massacre

    AFP - Thursday, September 2

    QUITO (AFP) - - Ecuador's president and Mexican officials confirmed Wednesday that a second person, a Honduran, had survived the massacre of 72 migrants in Mexico last week.

  • NASA team advises Chile on trapped miners

    AFP - Wednesday, September 1

    COPIAPO, Chile (AFP) - - NASA experts advised Chilean officials to be frank with 33 miners trapped deep underground about how long their rescue will take, as a giant drill slowly burrowed toward the desperate men.

  • Mexico, US open joint office to combat drug gangs

    Mexico, US open joint office to combat drug gangs

    AFP - Wednesday, September 1

    MEXICO CITY (AFP) - - Mexican and US officials opened a first joint office to manage the distribution of more than 1.3 billion dollars in US security aid to help fight brutal drug gangs.

  • Mexico lauds capture of top drug lord as violence rages

    AFP - Wednesday, September 1

    MEXICO CITY (AFP) - - Mexican authorities on Tuesday paraded a top drug lord in public, presenting his capture as a much-needed victory in the escalating battle against the country's vicious traffickers.

  • Eight killed in attack on Cancun bar

    Eight killed in attack on Cancun bar

    AFP - Wednesday, September 1

    CANCUN, Mexico (AFP) - - At least eight people were killed when molotov cocktails were thrown into a bar in the Mexican town of Cancun, a resort area popular with US tourists, officials said Tuesday.

  • Venezuelan hunger striker dies after Chavez protest

    Venezuelan hunger striker dies after Chavez protest

    AFP - Tuesday, August 31

    CARACAS (AFP) - - A Venezuelan farmer who held a months-long hunger strike to protest President Hugo Chavez's policies of land nationalization has died at a military hospital, his relatives said.

  • Rescue shaft drilling begins at collapsed Chile mine

    Rescue shaft drilling begins at collapsed Chile mine

    AFP - Tuesday, August 31

    COPIAPO, Chile (AFP) - - A powerful mechanical digger began digging a rescue shaft on Monday at a collapsed Chile mine where 33 men are trapped some 700 meters (2,300 feet) below ground, a government source said.

  • Army clashes with drug gangs in eastern Mexico: seven dead

    Army clashes with drug gangs in eastern Mexico: seven dead

    AFP - Tuesday, August 31

    VERACRUZ, Mexico (AFP) - - At least seven people have been killed in clashes between Mexican soldiers and likely drug gangs not far from where 72 migrants were massacred last week, the military said Monday.

  • Drug war intensifies in Mexico

    Drug war intensifies in Mexico

    AFP - Monday, August 30

    NUEVO LAREDO, Mexico (AFP) - - Mexico's blood-soaked drug war intensified in northeastern Tamaulipas state over the weekend, with fresh violence attributed to the Zetas, the drug cartel blamed for slaughtering 72 illegal migrants.

  • Drilling rescue shaft for trapped miners to start Monday

    Drilling rescue shaft for trapped miners to start Monday

    AFP - Sunday, August 29

    SANTIAGO (AFP) - - Workers will begin drilling a rescue shaft for 33 miners trapped deep underground in northern Chile early Monday, the engineer in charge of the rescue operation said.

  • Investigator disappears during Mexico deaths probe

    Investigator disappears during Mexico deaths probe

    AFP - Saturday, August 28

    CIUDAD VICTORIA, Mexico (AFP) - - An official probing the massacre of 72 migrants in northeast Mexico has gone missing along with a police officer as more bodies were identified and two car bombs shook the region.

  • Killer rains leave at least 34 dead in Nicaragua

    Killer rains leave at least 34 dead in Nicaragua

    AFP - Saturday, August 28

    MANAGUA (AFP) - - Floods and landslides have killed at least 34 dead and affected some 84,000 people in Nicaragua this rainy season, which began on May 15, officials said Friday.

  • Car bomb explodes outside Mexican TV station

    Car bomb explodes outside Mexican TV station

    AFP - Saturday, August 28

    CIUDAD VICTORIA, Mexico (AFP) - - A car bomb exploded early Friday outside the local affiliate of Televisa TV network in the northeastern city Ciudad Victoria, with no casualties, military officials and the network said.

  • Neighbors help Mexico identify massacre victims

    Neighbors help Mexico identify massacre victims

    AFP - Friday, August 27

    CIUDAD VICTORIA, Mexico (AFP) - - Mexico sought help Thursday from Latin American nations to identify 72 presumed migrants murdered near the US border, after officials blamed the brutal Zetas drug gang for the massacre.

  • Mexican officials blame migrant killings on drug gang

    Mexican officials blame migrant killings on drug gang

    AFP - Friday, August 27

    SAN FERNANDO, Mexico (AFP) - - Blame for the killing of 72 presumed migrants at a ranch in Mexico fell on the Zetas drug gang Thursday, as President Felipe Calderon condemned the murders and cartel attacks on migrants.

  • Trapped Chilean miner's family sues

    Trapped Chilean miner's family sues

    AFP - Friday, August 27

    COPIAPO, Chile (AFP) - - The family of one of 33 miners trapped in a Chilean mine following a collapse early this month announced Thursday it will sue the owners of the shaft and government inspectors.

  • Mexican president strongly condemns migrant massacre

    Mexican president strongly condemns migrant massacre

    AFP - Friday, August 27

    MEXICO CITY (AFP) - - Mexican President Felipe Calderon on Thursday strongly condemned the massacre of 72 people, believed to be migrants who refused to work as hitmen for drug traffickers.

Tuesday, August 31, 2010

DTN News: Mexico - The Arrest of La Barbie

DTN News: Mexico - The Arrest of La Barbie
Source: Stratfor
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - August 31, 2010: The arrest of a former enforcer for a Mexican drug-trafficking organization will be a public relations coup for the Mexican government even though it will do little to quell the violence in the country.
The Mexican Federal Attorney General’s Office (PGR) confirmed that members of the Federal Police detained former Beltran Leyva Organization top enforcer, Edgar “La Barbie” Valdez Villarreal. Several Mexican media outlets have reported that the operation that netted Valdez Villarreal took place outside of Toluca, Mexico state, while others have reported that the operation actually took place near the Morelos and Guerrero state borders. Federal Police had reportedly launched an operation to capture Valdez Villarreal on Aug. 9 at a luxury condominium complex in the Bosque de Las Lomas neighborhood of Mexico City but missed him by a few hours, indicating that the Mexican government was close to capturing him for some time before his arrest. The arrest of such high-profile and public figure in the Mexican drug-trafficking scene is a huge success for the Mexican government on both a tactical and public relations level. Valdez Villarreal has been locked in heated battle with his former colleague, Hector “El H” Beltran Leyva, for control over the territory once occupied by the Beltran Leyva Organization under now-deceased leader Arturo Beltran Leyva. Hector has since gone on to form Cartel Pacifico Sur (CPS) and has been waging war against the former BLO elements loyal to Valdez Villarreal. The arrest of Valdez Villarreal is a tremendous blow to the leadership of his faction of the BLO, and it is unclear at this point who if anyone will take the place of Valdez Villarreal. Additionally, the detention of Valdez Villarreal also will provide Mexican authorities with a treasure trove of timely, actionable tactical intelligence about his organization’s operations, which could lead to more arrests in the near future. Furthermore, should Valdez Villarreal choose to cooperate with Mexican authorities, he could provide an enormous amount of information about rival organizations as well. The arrest of Valdez Villarreal also comes at a time when President Felipe Calderon’s war against the cartels has been drawing some negative attention due to the high levels of violence and a recent, ominous escalation in tactics over the past week with increased use of improvised explosive devices. Valdez Villarreal was well known for his ruthlessness and brutality in dealing with his rivals, and his arrest will be a public relations coup for the Mexican government even though it will do little to quell the violence in places like Juarez and Monterrey.
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Whilst every effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of the information supplied herein, DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News cannot be held responsible for any errors or omissions. Unless otherwise indicated, opinions expressed herein are those of the author of the page and do not necessarily represent the corporate views of DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News.

Sunday, May 02, 2010

DTN News: A War Worth Fighting, To Cease And Desist Drug Supply To Save Humanity

DTN News: A War Worth Fighting, To Cease And Desist Drug Supply To Save Humanity Source: DTN News / Int'l Media (NSI News Source Info) BOGOTÁ, Colombia - May 3, 2010: I'm in the heat of a war right now that we've been fighting for years. But it's not Iraq or Afghanistan. Yet this one also has machine guns and grenades, combat aircraft low in the sky and satellite reconnaissance overhead. And, like Iraq and Afghanistan, the bad guys in this war shoot back. It's a war into which we've already poured billions of dollars and are still pouring more. But for my money, it's a war worth fighting. It's the war on drugs. That may sound like a political term in the United States, but it's a very risky, very real war down here in Colombia. In the past week, with a team from HDNet Television's "World Report," I've flown out on heavily armed and armored Huey helicopters for invasions deep in the jungle to disrupt the production of cocaine. In one raid, the people who worked in a primitive lab to refine cocaine's basic ingredient, coca, had gotten out just ahead of us; the residue of the coca leaves was still wet. With government boots on the ground, their livelihood is threatened. Which is why, when we'd been down just 10 minutes, the Colombian troops we were with told us we had to go — and go now! There were signs that the bad guys, many of whom are part of powerful guerrilla groups, were heading back. We hoofed it along a trail cut with machetes to the landing zone a half mile from the lab; the narco-traffickers deliberately set up shop away from clearings so they'll have enough warning from the helicopters' noise to bail out. With machine-gun snipers covering the jungle and two more with mounted guns boarding with us, we lifted off and circled to provide cover while a second Huey swooped in to pick up the rest of the troops. From here, the war on drugs is no game. The Colombians do most of the heavy lifting, but we train them and pay for everything they have, from helicopters to weapons to uniforms to canteens. One American here told me, "Everything is ours, right down to their lip balm." Plenty of our own people are in the line of fire, too. Seven days a week, civilian U.S. pilots in the steamy interior of the country fly spray planes — the kind you'd see protecting a farm at home — to destroy coca crops in the jungles of Colombia. The difference from agricultural spray planes is that these are heavily armored on their underbellies; they get shot at on a regular basis. We went on a helicopter defensive cover mission overhead one day. These guys fly out up to 100 miles and then, using everything from informants' tips to satellite coordinates to find the coca, they release a short dose of herbicide. It's the same stuff many of us use in our gardens: RoundUp. It's a dirty, dangerous war. I met some agents from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency near the border with Ecuador. Their specialty is intercepting drug traffickers. They showed me a big boat they had captured. With about a foot of fiberglass showing above the water's surface, it's not a submarine but a "submersible," built for just one trip before it's trashed. If illegal cocaine makes it to the Pacific, it gets transferred onto a boat like this, up to 10 tons of it. That's a lot of ruined lives in our American cities. Are we winning this war on drugs? Maybe the fairest answer is we're not losing. One American I met in the jungle told me, "At worst, we're holding the line. At best, we're getting a little ahead." But the same day, a Colombian major asked me to tell the American people this: "We are doing all we can. But we cannot fight consumption in your country. You have to do that." He's right. Greg Dobbs is correspondent for the program "World Report" on HDNet Television.

Saturday, January 16, 2010

DTN News: Air Al Qaeda ~ Are Latin America's Drug Cartels Giving Al Qaeda A Lift?

DTN News: Air Al Qaeda ~ Are Latin America's Drug Cartels Giving Al Qaeda A Lift? *There is growing concerns that Al Qaeda in Africa and Latin American drug cartels are working together. Latin American cocaine flights go to Africa, en route to Europe. Are Al Qaeda members on the empty planes back to Latin America?
*Source: The Christian Science Monitor By Scott Baldauf Staff writer (NSI News Source Info) JOHANNESBURG, South Africa - January 17, 2010: It's known as the Coca Cola plane. In early November, drug traffickers landed a Boeing 727 in the Malian desert in Gao state and offloaded between 10 and 12 million tons of cocaine. Then, rather than fly it back across the Atlantic to Latin America, they simply burnt it, treating it like a used Coke can.The terrain of northern Mali is stark desert, and a haven for Islamist insurgents with close ties to Al Qaeda. Initially, investigators thought the plane had crashed in the desert on take off. A policeman patrols a market in central Timbuktu, on December 28, 2009. The area around Mali's capital has become a stronghold for a franchise of Al Qaeda, and a hub for trafficking cocaine from South America by air, which is then smuggled onto Europe. TimGaynor/Reuters/File But now, based on the fact that the plane was largely intact, many experts suspect that the drug cartels – perhaps in coordination with their Al Qaeda partners – burnt the plane deliberately. “That shows you the strength of the drug cartels, and how much money they have,” says Rinaldo Depagne, a West Africa expert at the International Crisis Group in Dakar, Senegal. “It’s like a plastic [Coca Cola] bottle to them. When you are done with it, you just throw it away.” According to UN reports, nearly 60 percent of the cocaine sold in Europe transits through weak West African states such as Mali, Niger, Mauritania, and Guinea Bissau – a flow of cash and contraband that undermines the credibility of each country’s ability to govern itself. As many of these same countries are now becoming a haven for a shadowy group calling itself Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), there are growing concerns that Islamist radicals and Latin American drug cartels may be working together, both to enrich themselves and to weaken the law enforcement capability of those West African states. “At this point Al Qaeda in the Maghreb seems to be nothing more than just facilitators, but more and more we see evidence of them working together,” says an official for the US military at the Africom command center in Stuttgart, speaking on background. But it is safe to assume, the official adds, that Al Qaeda “is profiting from the drug trafficking trade going through its areas” of the Sahara. A 2008 Department of Homeland Security report, obtained by Reuters, warned of a growing fleet of rogue aircraft – at least 10 aircraft including executive jets, twin-engine turboprops, and aging Boeing 727s, crisscrossing the Atlantic. The DEA also told Reuters that all aircraft seized in West Africa had departed Venezuela. When it comes to traffickers use of planes between West Africa and Latin America, US military experts say there is a clear potential threat to American security. “We know what those planes are carrying across the Atlantic to Africa. But what goes back [on those planes] to [Latin] American shores?” says one US military official. “You know what the condition of the [US] southern borders are. You see the beginning of a process of thought.” Al Qaeda funded by drug protection money? If Al Qaeda is getting into the drug trade, it would not be the first terrorist organization to do so. Through much of the 1990s and 2000s, the Colombian leftist rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), has largely funded its 40-year insurgency through kidnapping and cocaine production. The Taliban were also thought to have turned to the opium trade in order to finance its own buildup of arms in the southern part of Afghanistan.
The motives of Al Qaeda would seem to be very different from those of the drug traffickers. Al Qaeda is an insurgent group fighting for a political goal, perhaps to defend its land or to impose its ideology. Drug traffickers are merely in it for money. But in the West African Sahara, there's growing evidence that the two have found common cause in using the vast unpatrolled desert areas for transporting drugs up north to Europe, and as bases for military operations and training. “Terrorists are looking at an ideology, they are fighting for their land,” says another US military official at Africom. “Traffickers don’t have an allegiance to an area, they change their routes, they change their methods, far faster than the law enforcement in a country can keep up with.” Latin American cartels have been smuggling drugs to Europe via Africa since the 1990s. But For West African nations, keeping up with the traffickers and now the insurgents may seem an impossible task. In 2006, a UN report found that the annual value of smuggled cocaine through West Africa is more than twice the gross domestic product of Guinea Bissau. US military trainers help out Yet, confronting the traffickers and the insurgents is precisely what the US military hopes these nations will do in the very near future. In the past two years, American military trainers have increased their visits to West Africa, and conducted joint training exercises under Operation Enduring Freedom – Trans-Sahel Initiative. On land, US Army trainers – many of them Special Forces commandos – train African soldiers in counterinsurgency methods, and the US government has begun to provide the army of Mali, Niger, and Mauritania with basic arms and equipment, something these nations can ill-afford to buy on their own.In addition, US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents have ramped up their efforts in West Africa, trying to help nations with weak law enforcement capabilities to rein in drug traffickers. Last month, three suspects from Mali were extradited from Ghana to the United States to face charges of offering Al Qaeda protection to move cocaine from West Africa, through the Sahara, and up to Spain. The three suspects, Oumar Issa, Harouna Toure, and Idriss Abelrahman, told DEA informants that they were members of Al Qaeda’s North African branch, and they could protect drug shipments at a fee of $4,200 per kilo. Given the scale of what drug traffickers are willing to pay – and what Al Qaeda apparently earns for its part of the business – the challenge of stopping the drug trade through West Africa will be immense, say analysts. It is one thing for the US military to train a man to fight an insurgent. It is quite another thing to put that man out in the field, earning little pay, where drug traffickers or radical Islamists can offer them bribes or other incentives to look the other way when it suits them.“These traffickers are shipping huge amounts of cocaine so they have lots of money,” says Depagne. “This is a huge threat for weak states of West Africa. When you compare the money of a drug cartel to the budget of Mauritania, or to the salary of a policeman in Niger – who receives less than $200 a month – it’s easy to see what will happen.” As for Al Qaeda, “if they manage to get that kind of money, it will put them on another level,” says Depagne. “I don’t know if you can find any evidence proving a link between Al Qaeda and the drug traffickers, unless you are CIA. But it doesn’t take a rocket scientist to see why they would want to work together. To do terrorism, you need money, and what are you going to do in the deserts of Mali to make money. You take money where it is. You work with the drug traffickers.”
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Thursday, December 10, 2009

DTN News: Mexico ~ The War With The Cartels In 2009

DTN News: Mexico ~ The War With The Cartels In 2009 *Editor’s Note: This week’s Global Security & Intelligence Report is an abridged version of STRATFOR’s annual report on Mexico’s drug cartels. The full report, which includes extensive diagrams depicting the leadership of each cartel, will be available to our members next week.
*Source: By Scott Stewart and Alex Posey STRATFOR (NSI News Source Info) LOS ANGELES, Ca. - December 10, 2009: There are two cartel wars currently raging in Mexico that have combined to produce record levels of violence in 2009. The first war is the struggle between the government of Mexico and the drug cartels. The second, a parallel war, is the fight among the various cartels as they compete for control of lucrative supply routes. Shortly after his inauguration in December 2006, President Felipe Calderon launched an all-out effort to target the cartels, which he viewed as a major threat to Mexico’s security and stability. Over the past three years, the government’s effort has weakened and fragmented some of the major cartels (namely the Gulf and Sinaloa cartels), but this government progress has upset the balance of power among the cartels, which has resulted in increased violence. Former cartel allies have been pitted against each other in bloody battles of attrition as rival cartels have tried to take advantage of their weakened competitors and seize control of smuggling routes. In this year’s report on Mexico’s drug cartels, we assess the most significant developments of the past year and provide an updated description of the country’s powerful drug-trafficking organizations as well as a forecast for 2010. This annual report is a product of the coverage we maintain on a weekly basis through our Mexico Security Memo as well as other analyses we produce throughout the year. Mexico’s Drug Trafficking Organizations La Familia: This cartel has garnered a great deal of media attention during the past year, especially after being labeled in May “the most violent criminal organization in Mexico” by former Mexican Attorney General Eduardo Medina Mora. La Familia has grabbed headlines mainly because of its brazen attacks against government forces and its pseudo-ideological roots. In spite of its public image, the La Familia organization still remains relatively small and geographically isolated compared to the larger and more established cartels. The La Familia organization’s headquarters and main area of operation is in the southwestern state of Michoacan, hence the name of the principal group: La Familia Michoacana. The organization also has regional franchises that operate in the neighboring states of Guerrero, Guanajuato and Mexico, as well as a limited presence in Jalisco and Queretaro states. The degree to which these groups coordinate with each other and how much autonomy they possess is unclear, though they all reportedly follow the same cult-like ideology. Without direct access to the U.S.-Mexico border, La Familia is geographically constrained and must pay “taxes” to the organizations that control the border corridors through which La Familia’s product is moved. Gulf cartel: At the beginning of Calderon’s campaign against the cartels, the Gulf cartel was considered the most powerful drug-trafficking organization in Mexico. After nearly three years of bearing the brunt of Mexican law enforcement and military efforts, however, the Gulf cartel is today only a shell of its former self. At its height, a great deal of the Gulf cartel’s power came from its former enforcement arm, Los Zetas. Today the two are separate entities, with Los Zetas being the dominant organization and controlling much of the Gulf cartel’s former territory. The relationship between the two organizations reportedly was somewhat strained over the past year when the Gulf cartel leadership refused to take orders from Los Zetas chief Heriberto “El Lazca” Lazcano Lazcano. Despite this rift, the two organizations continue to work together when their interests align. Los Zetas: Over the past year, the group has held firm its position as one of the most powerful cartels operating in Mexico while trying to extend its presence southward into Central America from its core area of operations along Mexico’s eastern coast and the Yucatan Peninsula. The organization remains fully under the control of “El Lazca.” There have been rumors that Lazcano Lazcano has tried to consolidate control over what is left of the Gulf cartel over the past year and integrate the remaining personnel into Los Zetas’ operations, but these reports have not been confirmed. Los Zetas have a well-documented relationship with Los Kaibiles (Guatemalan special forces deserters turned criminal muscle) since at least 2006, which has helped facilitate Los Zetas’ expansion into Guatemala. A Guatemalan joint military and law enforcement operation in March raided a Los Zetas camp and air strip in the border department of Ixcan that were being utilized for the tactical training of Los Zeta recruits as well as a destination for aerial deliveries of cocaine — further indication that Los Zetas have an established presence in Guatemala. This push southward has given the organization greater control of its overland cocaine supply line into Mexico and enabled it to control much of the human smuggling from Central America into Mexico and the United States. Los Zetas have also worked with the Beltran-Leyva Organization (BLO) throughout 2009. The two organizations are currently trying to wrest control away from La Familia in the Michoacan and Guerrero regions to gain access to the lucrative Pacific ports of Lazaro Cardenas and Acapulco. There has also been a concerted effort by the Los Zetas leadership to become stakeholders in the BLO over the past year, but currently their role remains that of hired muscle to supplement the BLO’s ongoing operations as the organization pursues its own agenda. Los Zetas have also contracted themselves out to the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Organization, also known as the Juarez cartel, to serve as advisers and trainers for the organization as they both battle their common rival, the Sinaloa cartel, for control over the Juarez border region. Beltran-Leyva Organization: After a very active 2008, the BLO has kept a relatively low profile throughout much of 2009. After the BLO secured control of its territory in mid-2008 following its split with the Sinaloa cartel (the BLO/Sinaloa battle for territory accounted for a significant portion of the violence in Mexico in early 2008), the cartel was able to concentrate on consolidating and streamlining its narcotics smuggling operations. After the consolidation, the group went on the offensive again in October and November when it teamed up with Los Zetas to target La Familia in Guerrero and Michoacan states. The BLO remains under the command of Arturo Beltran Leyva, who is supported by a well-established network along Mexico’s Pacific coast and into northeastern Mexico. The BLO has been in the narcotics business a long time and has perhaps the most sophisticated intelligence capability of any of the cartels. Sinaloa cartel: In spite of losing some of its former allies like the Carrillo Fuentes Organization and the BLO in 2008, the Sinaloa cartel remains the most formidable and dominant cartel in Mexico today. Headed by the world’s most wanted drug lord, Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman Loera, the Sinaloa cartel demonstrated its resiliency in 2009 and remained quite active throughout the year. Guzman’s partners, Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada Garcia, Ignacio “El Nacho” Coronel Villareal and Juan “El Azul” Esparragoza Moreno, each have their own respective networks and continue to work together when necessary to traffic narcotics northward from South America. The conflict in Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua state between the Sinaloa cartel and the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Organization (VCF), also known as the Juarez cartel, has undoubtedly been the primary focus of the Sinaloa cartel over the past year. The conflict has essentially resulted in a stalemate between the two organizations as they battle for control over the lucrative Juarez plaza. The Sinaloa cartel still maintains a significant presence in the territory along the Pacific coast of Mexico and the Sierra Madre Occidental. While violence has lessened significantly between the Sinaloa cartel and the BLO, their overlapping geography continues to generate some conflict between the two organizations, particularly in the state of Sinaloa. The Sinaloa cartel has also remained active in Central and South America throughout 2009 as it attempts to exert greater control over the flow of weapons and narcotics from South America to Mexico. The Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Organization/Juarez cartel: The VCF is based out of the northern city of Ciudad Juarez in Chihuahua state. The cartel is led by Vicente Carrillo Fuentes, who took over after the 1997 death of his brother and cartel founder Amado Carrillo Fuentes. Throughout 2009, the Juarez cartel has maintained its long-standing alliance with the BLO, which is helping the VCF in its vicious battle with the Sinaloa cartel for control of Juarez. The VCF is yet another Mexican drug trafficking organization (DTO) that has fallen significantly in the past few years. The VCF and its enforcement arm, La Linea, have been locked in a battle for nearly two years with their former partners from the Sinaloa cartel for control over the lucrative Juarez plaza. The prolonged conflict has taken its toll on the VCF and has forced the cartel to resort to other criminal activities to finance its battle for Juarez, primarily kidnapping, human trafficking, prostitution, extortion and the retail sale of drugs to the domestic Mexican market. In its weakened state, the VCF has been forced to focus almost all of its efforts on fighting the Sinaloa cartel and has not been able to effectively project its influence much farther than the greater Juarez area. Arellano Felix Organization/Tijuana cartel: The Arellano Felix Organization (AFO) — also known as the Tijuana cartel — is based in the far northwestern state of Baja California, across the border from San Diego. With the arrests of all the Arellano Felix brothers and several other high-ranking members, infighting has caused the once-powerful AFO to be split into two competing factions — one led by Arellano Felix nephew Fernando “El Ingeniero” Sanchez Arellano and the other led by Eduardo Teodoro “El Teo” Garcia Simental. Garcia initially sought the support of the rival Sinaloa cartel and it is now thought that the Garcia faction is essentially a Sinaloa proxy in the greater Tijuana area. The Sanchez faction has remained relatively dormant in 2009. The organization has been forced to diversify its operations into other criminal activities, such as kidnapping, human trafficking, prostitution and extortion. This was due in part to increased scrutiny by Mexican law enforcement after an extraordinary spike in violence in 2008 that saw, at its height, more than 100 executions during one week in the greater Tijuana area. Much of the violence that has occurred in Tijuana in 2009 has been a result of clashes between these two rival factions. The overall level of violence in Tijuana has been far lower in 2009 than it was during the height of the conflict in 2008. Debate Over the Military’s Mission One of the most important facets of the Calderon government’s campaign against the drug cartels has been the widespread deployment of Mexican military personnel. While previous presidents have used the military for isolated counternarcotics operations, the level to which Calderon has used Mexico’s armed forces in that role is unprecedented. During Calderon’s term in office, he has deployed more than 35,000 military personnel to a number of regions throughout Mexico to carry out counternarcotics operations. Because of this, 2009 witnessed a growing debate over the role of the Mexican military in the country’s war against the cartels. Domestic and international human rights organizations have expressed concerns over an increase in alleged civil rights abuses by Mexican military personnel, and U.S.-based Human Rights Watch has even gone so far as to call on U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton not to certify Mexico’s human rights record, which would effectively freeze a portion of the Merida Initiative funds allocated by the United States to aid Mexico in its counternarcotics campaign. Even members of Calderon’s own National Action Party have stated that there needs to be a better balance between the needs of the cartel war and the civil rights of Mexican citizens. The Calderon administration’s unprecedented use of the military is due in large part to the seemingly systemic corruption in the ranks of local, state and even federal law enforcement agencies in Mexico. Less corrupted as an institution, the military has been increasingly called upon to handle tasks that would normally fall under the responsibilities of law enforcement such as conducting security patrols, making traffic stops and manning checkpoints. As the military has taken over these traditional law enforcement tasks, it has come into closer contact with the Mexican civilian population, which has resulted in human rights-abuse accusations and the current controversy. Calderon has defended this strategy saying that the military’s large role in the war against the cartels is only a temporary solution and has tried to minimize the criticism by involving the federal police as much as possible. But it has been the armed forces that have provided the bulk of the manpower and coordination that federal police agencies — hampered by rampant corruption and a tumultuous reform process — have not been able to muster. Calderon is aware that it is not ideal to use the military in this capacity, but the fact is that the military remains the most reliable and versatile security tool presently available to the Mexican government. While Calderon’s ultimate goal is to professionalize and completely hand over all the traditional law enforcement tasks to the federal police, the military will be needed to help in Mexico’s war against the cartels for the foreseeable future. The Mexican government has no other option. It will be years before the federal police will have the capability and manpower required to take over the missions currently being performed by the military. Trends in Violence As noted in last year’s cartel report, the last three months of 2008 saw an explosion in violence and a dramatic increase in the number of cartel-related deaths across Mexico. The levels of violence seen at the end of 2008 have persisted into 2009 and have gradually worsened over the course of the year. Estimates of the current death toll for organized crime-related deaths in Mexico at the time this report was written ranged from 6,900 to more than 7,300. The previous yearly record was 5,700 deaths in 2008. The geography of the violence in Mexico has remained relatively static from the end of the 2008 through 2009. Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Guerrero, Michoacan and Baja California were the five most violent states in 2009 — and all happen to be the top five in terms of violence throughout Calderon’s term. Chihuahua state once again sits atop the list as the most violent state, with more than 3,200 deaths so far in 2009, and more than 2,100 in Juarez alone. The extraordinary levels of violence seen in Juarez and Chihuahua state can be directly attributed to the ongoing conflict between the Sinaloa cartel, the Juarez cartel and their street-gang proxies. High levels of violence returned to Michoacan and Guerrero states in 2009 due in large part to the increased activities and expansion of the La Familia organization. La Familia has launched numerous high-profile attacks against the military and law enforcement personnel operating in Michoacan as well as its rivals in the region. Federal police and military patrols in the region frequently come under fire and are sometimes ambushed by La Familia gunmen. The attacks on security personnel are often associated with the capture of a high-ranking La Familia member. While Mexican security forces have been able to weaken and divide some of the more powerful cartels, this diminution of cartel power has actually spawned even more violence as the organizations scramble to retain control of their territory or to steal turf from other cartels. Over the past few decades, the only time intercartel violence has diminished has been during periods of stability and equilibrium among the competing cartels, and the Mexican government’s anti-drug operations will not allow for such stability and equilibrium. This means we can expect to see the high level of violence continue between the government and the cartels, and among the competing cartels, throughout 2010.
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Whilst every effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of the information supplied herein, DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News cannot be held responsible for any errors or omissions. Unless otherwise indicated, opinions expressed herein are those of the author of the page and do not necessarily represent the corporate views of DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News.