DTN News - PAKISTAN TALIBAN NEWS: Kidnapped Swiss Couple 'Escape' Pakistani Taliban After Eight Months In Captivity

DTN News - PAKISTAN TALIBAN NEWS: Kidnapped Swiss Couple 'Escape' Pakistani Taliban After Eight Months In Captivity
*Tourists captured while campervanning in volatile region of Pakistan
*Claimed they escaped after showing up at military checkpoint
*But other reports say they were 'freed' after a ransom was paid
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Simon Tomlinson - Daily Mail - UK
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - March 15, 2012: A Swiss couple kidnapped by the Pakistani Taliban eight months ago today claimed to have escaped after showing up at a military checkpoint in the north-west of the country.

Olivier David Och, 31, and Daniela Widmer, 29 were captured while travelling by camper van in Pakistan's volatile south-west region and had been held on the Afghan border.

But today they were celebrating their freedom - although relatives would barely be able to recognise them.

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We're free: Swiiss couple Olivier David Och and Daniela Widmer wave upon their arrival at the Qasim base in Rawalpindi today after escaping Taliban capture

Safe: The couple, who were captured while trekking in remote Pakistan, announced themselves at a checkpoint in the north of the country

Pakistan army spokesman Major-General Athar Abbas said: 'They escaped, this is what they have told us.

'They reported to our checkpost then. They are being questioned at the moment in Peshawar.'     

According to intelligence sources in North Waziristan, where they were held, the two were found at a military checkpoint on a main road in Miranshah, the region's main town at about 5.30am local time.

Handshakes: David Och and Daniela Widmer were believed to be held in North Waziristan by one of the Taliban's top lieutenants

They were then sent to the city of Peshawar by helicopter.    

A Swiss embassy official said the embassy was not in a position to confirm or deny the reports.

Other reports, however, say the couple were freed by the Taliban in an apparent olive branch to the Pakistani government.

Taliban commanders said an undisclosed ransom was paid in exchange for the release of the pair, who in October had appeared in a militant video saying their captors were threatening to kill them.

Unrecognisable: The passport photos of Daniela Wider and Olivier Och

Colonel Nadeem of the Pakistani Army media wing, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), confirmed the couple were released, moved to Peshawar and have now reached Islamabad where they are being put through a medical check up.

Colonel Nadeem said: 'I can confirm that the said Swiss couple have been released, they were picked up in an area near Miranshah in South Waziristan, and have now been moved to Islamabad by security forces.

'They are in okay health.'

When asked about a possible deal for their release, the Colonel said: 'I am not authorised to speak on the matter, and an official version will soon be released by the ISPR.'

Olive branch? Some are claiming Olivier Och and Daniela Widmer, pictured in captivity soon after they were taken, were released as a sop to the Pakistan government

In fear of their lives: This video grab released in October shows the couple in front of Taliban gunman after they were abducted

Sources in North Waziristan say the Swiss couple were being kept by a faction of the Taliban led by Commander Wali ur Rehman, a senior disgruntled militant commander, who is tipped for the organisation's leadership after Baitullah Mehsud's death.

He is considered to be closer to the Pakistan government and is keen on negotiations.

Kidnapping for ransom is relatively common in Pakistan, although foreigners are not often targets. Militants also occasionally take foreigners hostage.    

Two Western aid workers were kidnapped by gunmen in the central Pakistani city of Multan on January 19. Another, a British doctor working with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), was kidnapped in the southwestern city of Quetta on January 5.    

Warren Weinstein, an American aid worker, was kidnapped from the central Pakistani city of Lahore in August last year. Al Qaeda claimed responsibility for Weinstein's abduction in December.

VIDEO: Appeals from the couple emerged online whilst they were being held 

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Simon Tomlinson - Daily Mail - UK
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
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DTN News - OSAMA BIN LADEN NEWS: Bin Laden Was 'Betrayed By One Of His Jealous Wives' Who Revealed Location Of His Secret Pakistan Compound

DTN News - OSAMA BIN LADEN NEWS: Bin Laden Was 'Betrayed By One Of His Jealous Wives' Who Revealed Location Of His Secret Pakistan Compound
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Simon Tomlinson - Daily Mail UK
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - March 11, 2012: Oldest wife wanted revenge because aging terrorist was 'bedding' his youngest spouse, investigator claims.

Betrayed: Osama Bin Laden may have been outed by one of his jealous wives, a retired Pakistani Brigadier has claimed

Osama Bin Laden was betrayed by one of his wives who revealed the location of his Pakistan hideaway because she was jealous of the Al-Qaeda leader's youngest spouse, it was claimed today.

Khairiah Saber, the oldest of his five wives, was motivated by revenge because the aging terrorist was 'bedding' Amal Ahmed Abdel-Fatah al-Sada while she slept in abedroom on the floor below, according to a Pakistani official.

Retired brigadier Shaukat Qadir, who has investigated the U.S. operation which killed Bin Laden in May last year, also controversially claims that Saber may have been working with Al-Qaeda itself.

He believes word that 'someone very important' was living in Abbottabad got out to the Taliban, Pakistan’s ISI military intelligence service and ultimately the CIA. 

Qadir suggests that Al-Qaeda was looking to cash in on the $25m (£16m) bounty on his head. But he said he has no proof.

Pakistan claims it had not been warned about the raid, but Qadir's claims suggest elements in the intelligence service may have been aware.

Marital discord: Jealously and suspicions between Bin Laden's wives began when his eldest spouse moved into the compound

According to the Sunday Times, it was also said that Bin Laden understood what was happening, but had lost the will to live.

Trouble arose when Saber, the mother of at least five of Bin Laden's sons, showed up at the compound in early 2011.

After 9/11, she spent years under house arrest in Iran until, after her release in 2008, she told Al-Qaeda she wanted to be rejoin her husband, according to Qadir.

He said: 'Nobody really understood why she should want to come back to him. They had lost contact, there was nothing going on between them — he was bedding only Amal.'

Favourite: The five-times married and twice divorced bin Laden shared a room with his youngest wife, Amal Ahmed Abdel-Fatah al-Sada, seen right in an undated passport photo

Revenge motive: The aging terrorist was bedding his youngest wife, while Khairiah Saber had to sleep in a bedroom on the floor below

The arrival of Saber, a well-educated Saudi in her 60s, was disruptive, particularly for Amal, Bin Laden’s fifth wife, Siham Sabar, and her 24-year-old son, Khalid.

Qadir said: 'In the house everyone is suspicious of her and Khalid questions her, saying, "Why the hell have you come back?"

THE HOUSEHOLD HIERARCHY

Twenty-eight people lived within the Abbottabad compound in Pakistan.

Osama bin Laden lived with his three wives, eight of his children and five grandchildren.

He shared a room with his youngest and favourite wife, Amal Ahmed Abdel-Fatah as-Sada.

Another wife, Siham Saber, lived on the same floor as her husband.

His eldest wife, Khairiah Saber, arrived later and stirred up trouble living on the floor beneath the al-Qaeda leader.

Bin Laden had two wives previous to Khairiah who he divorced and twenty children between the women.

He doesn't believe Saber had any connection with the CIA, but her arrival in Abbottabad revealed to those hunting Bin Laden that he might be there. 'Who else could have led them there?'

His theories go against the U.S version of events which states that Bin Laden was tracked to his secret compound by following a 'courier' who was his contact with the terrorist organisation.

The picture of bin Laden's family life comes after Qadir was given rare access to transcripts of Pakistani intelligence's interrogation of Amal, who was detained in the raid.

Others in the family, crammed into the three-story villa Abbottabad compound where bin Laden would eventually be killed in a May 2 U.S. raid, were convinced that the eldest wife intended to betray the al-Qaeda leader.

Indeed, the compound where bin Laden lived since mid-2005 was a crowded place, with 28 residents — including bin Laden, his three wives, eight of his children and five of his grandchildren.

The bin Laden children ranged in age from his 24-year-old son Khaled, who was killed in the raid, to a three-year-old born during their time in Abbottabad.

Bin Laden's courier, the courier's brother and their wives and children also lived in the compound.

Crowded: 28 people lived in the recently destroyed Abbottabad compound with bin Laden including his three wives, eight children and five grandchildren

Bin Laden’s home life was stirred up when Khairiah joined the fray. 

There was already bad blood between Khairiah, who married bin Laden in the late 1980s, and Amal because of bin Laden's favoritism for the younger Yemeni woman.

Even ISI officials who questioned Khairiah after the raid were daunted by her.

‘She is so aggressive that she borders on being intimidating,’ Qadir said he was told by an ISI interrogator.

Amal stayed close to bin Laden as he fled Afghanistan into Pakistan following the 2001 U.S. invasion. 

She took an active role in arranging protection for him and bin Laden wanted her by his side, the tribal leaders told Qadir.

Khairiah fled Afghanistan in 2001 into Iran along with other bin Laden relatives and al-Qaeda figures. 

She and others were held under house arrest in Iran until 2010, when Tehran let them leave in a swap for an Iranian diplomat kidnapped in Pakistan's frontier city of Peshawar.

Khairiah showed up at Abbottabad in February or March 2011 and moved into the villa's second floor, Amal told her interrogators.

Khalid, bin Laden's son with Siham, was suspicious, according to Amal's account. He repeatedly asked Khairiah why she had come. 

At one point, she told him, ‘I have one final duty to perform for my husband.’ Khalid immediately told his father what she had said and warned that she intended to betray him.

Amal, who shared Khalid's fears, said bin Laden was also suspicious but was unconcerned, acting as if fate would decide, according to Qadir's recounting of the interrogation transcript.

There is no evidence Khairiah had any role in bin Laden's end. Accounts by Pakistani and U.S. intelligence officials since the May 2 raid have made no mention of her. 

Instead, U.S. officials have said the courier inadvertently led the CIA to the Abbottabad villa after they uncovered him in a monitored phone call.

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Simon Tomlinson - Daily Mail UK
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
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DTN News - PAKISTAN TODAY: Analysis ~ On Trial - Yousuf Raza Gilani

DTN News - PAKISTAN TODAY: Analysis ~ On Trial - Yousuf Raza Gilani
*DTN News presents an article "On Trial" analyzed by Asad Jamal and Muhammad Badar Alam 
Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Asad Jamal and Muhammad Badar Alam - Herald - Dawn Pakistan
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - February 17, 2012: Yousuf Raza Gilani is creating history of sorts: With just one month to go before he completes his fourth year in office, he is already the longest serving prime minister of Pakistan. With a mix of luck, guile, compromise, concessions and even confrontation, he would expect to pull off another historical feat — of surviving his full constitutional term in office.

His chances of success appear to be slim. When the opposition took the memo issue to the Supreme Court late last year and the army chief Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Ahmed Shuja Pasha supported a judicial probe into the affair, everyone thought time was up for Gilani and his government as well as President Asif Ali Zardari. When Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry appointed a high-powered judicial commission to probe the memo case, and followed it up with a string of contempt of court notices to senior government functionaries, including Gilani, the end was deemed nigh.

Many thought that the prime minister and other members of his ruling Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) were making a bad situation worse by indulging in a war of words with the military. From his December 2011 speech in the National Assembly, warning that he will not allow a state within a state to exist, to his statement to the Chinese media that Kayani and Pasha acted illegally and unconstitutionally by contradicting the government version of the memo in front of the Supreme Court, Gilani was either bluffing or calling the other side’s bluff. In any case, he was certainly living dangerously.

It all now appears to have receded behind closed doors. Gilani has retracted his belligerent statements against the military and intelligence chiefs, of course, after claiming the not-so-prized scalp of the defence secretary as a face-saving measure. The memo probe appears destined for the long haul and contempt and corruption cases are subject to procedural adjournments and legal hair-splitting among the lawyers and the judges. From being on the brink only days ago, Gilani looks like he is back in charge — for the time being at least.

But this could well be a temporary respite, not a permanent reprieve, for none of the factors nagging and troubling the government have gone away and many, if not most, of them are for the courts to take care of one way or the other.

Seeds of distrust

Even before the PPP came to power in February 2008, it had reason to feel threatened by the superior judiciary under Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. When General (retd) Pervez Musharraf sacked him a second time on November 3, 2007, Chaudhry had already drawn first blood vis-à-vis the PPP. On October 12, 2007, he admitted petitions challenging the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) and, in an extraordinary order, immediately suspended the actions being taken under the ordinance without first deciding whether it was legal or otherwise. It was extraordinary in the sense that normally courts do not question the effects or benefits derived from a law while it is still being debated in the courts, says Justice (retd) Tariq Mehmood, a senior jurist and a senior leader of the movement for the restoration of Justice Chaudhry.

It was only days after February 2008 polls when the Musharraf-appointed Supreme Court under Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar modified the order, allowing the NRO to end thousands of cases related to alleged corruption and other crimes. For the PPP, the ordinance was critically important as it had allowed its senior leadership, including Benazir Bhutto, to return from exile in October 2007 and participate in the political process. Stung by his previous decision on the NRO, the party led by Zardari post-election resisted the restoration of Chaudhry as much as it possibly could after coming to power. It feared that the Supreme Court under him would revive cases against the senior PPP leaders, thereby putting its nascent government in trouble.

Months before he became the president of Pakistan, Zardari started reneging on his political commitment with the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) on the restoration of the judges sacked by Musharraf, more specifically Chaudhry. The government also did not want to sideline  Dogar, in return for his pro-NRO judgement. It was not until the lawyers and the opposition parties took to the streets Punjab and Dogar’s tenure came to an end in March 2009, that the government restored the chief justice, reportedly under pressure from the military establishment.

The damage had been done by then. Constitutional lawyer Salman Akram Raja believes the government spent too much political capital resisting the restoration. “Immediate restoration of judges was a golden opportunity for the PPP government to win huge political goodwill, which it lost wholly unnecessarily,” he says.

During the second phase of the NRO case in December 2009, Chaudhry struck down the NRO as void ab initio, ie illegal and unconstitutional from the moment it was promulgated, thereby immediately reversing and annulling any benefits it had ever accrued to anyone. The court also ordered the revival of cases against the PPP leadership in and outside Pakistan, most notably in Switzerland. For the party and the government, this was a frontal assault.

Earlier the same year, the Supreme Court decided constitutional petitions by the Sindh High Court Bar Association and others over the appointment of judges under the Musharraf’s emergency rule as well as the PPP government before March 2009 and sent home more than 100 judges. Many of them were considered sympathetic to PPP. The court has not looked back ever since. One case after the other involving corruption allegations against PPP members and leaders and senior functionaries of the government have come up before the apex court, invariably eliciting angry remarks by the judges, getting  negative media coverage and discrediting the government practically on a daily basis.

The government’s strategy during the NRO case, as well as in some other cases, has mainly been to deal with them more in a political manner and less through legal means; an approach which has had mixed consequences. If the strategy was to gain time, it could be argued that the government was successful. But it did cost it heavily in terms of loss of credibility. Hounded by the media over its reluctance to restore the judges and troubled by the Supreme Court judgement in the Sindh High Court Bar Association case, says Mehmood, the government “lost all its senses”. It continued “making one mistake after the other, especially in the NRO proceedings. So much so, it did not even argue anything in its review proceedings.” Even pro-government lawyers believe the NRO case could have been pleaded more vigorously on the legal front, possibly leading to a less harsh verdict.

Baggage of history

For those on the government’s side, the judiciary is playing its historical pro-establishment role in giving anti-PPP decisions, the most flawed among them being what many call Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s judicial murder. At one level, the present altercation remains between the two highest offices – the presidency and the chief justice – and could be interpreted in the historical context of an anti-PPP bias among the superior judiciary.

Zardari told an interviewer recently that a former PPP minister was imprisoned in the Hajj corruption case and the courts were not accepting his bail pleas even when there was no proof against him. Over the last two years, he has been demanding that the superior judiciary revisit the Bhutto trial as expeditiously as it is taking up cases with visible anti-PPP quotient.

Dr Osama Siddique, associated with the department of law and policy at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (Lums), says three historical trends concerning the superior judiciary continue to have resonance in the present context. “One, the judiciary has had an invasive and power-accumulation propensity that is also characterised by illusions of self- grandeur; two, it is historically anti-PPP and favours pro-establishment parties which was poignantly displayed in the 1990s; and, three, it has repeatedly evinced a vulnerability to direct and indirect pressures from the army.”

Resistance versus activism

For a majority of hard-core pro-judiciary types, the roots of the judiciary-government stand-off lie in the PPP’s defiance of judicial authority and its inability to ensure good governance. They cite media reports on rampant corruption within the government to show that President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani, federal and provincial ministers and leaders and members of the PPP are hostile towards the judiciary because it is providing the lone institutional check against their real or perceived wrongdoings.

Some in the PPP, however, say the hype around corruption in the courts and the media is hampering the government from taking important economy-related decisions such as the import of liquefied natural gas (See Qamar Zaman Kaira’s interview). But this hardly justifies controversial appointments that the government had made over the last four years (mainly in Oil and Gas Development Company Limited, Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority and the Federal Investigation Agency). Certainly, many of them were avoidable.

From the judiciary’s perspective, the only way to improve governance and curb corruption is to expand judicial activism. Raja believes the Supreme Court’s expanding role must be seen in the context of the government’s credibility having been lost completely due both to its ineffective governance as well as corruption. He cites the government’s attempts to stall investigation into corruption cases around Hajj, National Insurance Company Limited (NICL) and rental power plants and argues that “in effect there exists not a single independent investigative agency in the country that will be allowed to do its work.” For him, “it is in that context that the Supreme Court’s readiness to assume [activist] jurisdiction has to be seen.”

But such expansionist judicial role has led to some unprecedented developments. When, as part of the 18th constitutional Amendment, the parliament changed the procedure for the judges’ appointment, the Supreme Court immediately struck back, forcing the legislature to enact another constitutional amendment along the lines it prescribed. In subsequent judgements, the court has all but eliminated the role of the parliamentary committee on judicial appointments subjecting its decisions to judicial challenge and review.

Last month, the court went even further in expanding its role far into the executive domain. On a petition filed by advocate Fazal Kareem Butt, who sought an assurance from the federal government that it will not remove Kayani and Pasha, the court told the Attorney General to submit in writing an assurance from the federal government that it has no such plan.

Lawyer Faisal Siddiqi argues that this expansionism is neither new nor Pakistan-specific. “Judicial activism of the Supreme Court is nothing peculiar to Pakistan. It has happened in many countries during transition from military dominance to greater democracy,” he says. “When the security establishment struggles to retain power and elected government tries to reclaim its lawful domain, it is in such times that judiciaries often expand their role.”

Others do not take such a benign view. Maryam Khan, an assistant professor of law at Lums, says “The judiciary has always exhibited a tendency to assert an exaggerated constitutional domain for itself and attempts to enhance it through its own pronouncements whenever the army goes in the background and a controlled democratic system is restored.” According to her, the court-centered development of the “public interest litigation” movement in the immediate post-Zia era of the late 1980s and early 1990s is an example of the judiciary’s strategic self-legitimation not only to assert an exaggerated constitutional domain for itself but also to reinvent its image as the custodian of constitutional and democratic values. “ … the judiciary has effectively evolved into an institution autonomous of, ascendant to, as well as deeply contemptuous and dismissive of, the political process,” she says.

Writing in the Economic and Political Weekly as early as 2009, Karachi-based political economist Haris Gazdar was even more scathing in his criticism of the judiciary and its main supporters, the lawyers. He argued that the constitutionalist pretensions of judges and lawyers were belied by their actions. “There is a pattern: media fuelled populism, encroachment upon the authority of the parliament and the executive, helping political allies, and keeping mum where core interests of the military might be involved. From a broadly-supported popular struggle against the Musharraf regime, the lawyers’ movement has morphed into a self-serving power grab,” he wrote.

Many others agree that such an expansion takes place at the expense of civilian governments and to the advantage of the military and security establishment. Former Supreme Court Bar Association president Asma Jahangir has publicly accused the Supreme Court of working “under influence of the security establishment” in the memo case. Those who support her point of view cite many long-pending cases, including those involving violence in Balochistan and missing persons, in which the apex court has never gone beyond summoning senior intelligence officials. Talking about the memo case, for instance, Sidiqqi says “unlike in the past when the army asked for legitimacy from the court, in the memo case the army is not asking for validation of its unconstitutional acts.” What it is doing, and seemingly achieving is even more troubling. “It has instead sought to increase its de facto power as opposed to its de jure power by using the judicial process.” As and when that power gets validated through a Supreme Court judgement, the army will be placed way above the democratic and parliamentary process. This in turn will put elected governments at the mercy of a security establishment controlling everything from behind the scenes, and without having to worry about law and Constitution.

(Asad Jamal is a lawyer.)

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Asad Jamal and Muhammad Badar Alam - Herald - Dawn Pakistan
*Speaking Image - Creation of DTN News ~ Defense Technology News 
*This article is being posted from Toronto, Canada By DTN News ~ Defense-Technology News Contact:dtnnews@ymail.com 
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